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PROCEEDINGS 



OP 



THE EIGHTH 



REPUBLICAN 



Hatiohal Cohyehtioh 



HELD AT 



CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, 



June 3, 4, 5 and 6, 1884. 






PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 



4? 

ft J a V O I I 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1884, by 

RAND, McNALLY & COMPANY, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at "Washington, D. C. 



RAND, McNALLY & CO., PRINTERS, 
CHICAGO. 



HISTORY OF THE CONVENTION. 



Chicago was selected as the place of holding the Eighth Republican 
National Convention at the meeting of the National Committee held 
in Washington, D. C, on the 12th day of December, 1883. 

A sub-committee of the National Committee, consisting of Hon. 
John C. New, Indiana; Hon. John A. Logan, Illinois; Hon. D. M. 
Sabin, Minnesota; Hon. Christopher L. Magee, Pennsylvania; Hon. 
Powell Clayton, Arkansas; Hon. W. C. Cooper, Ohio; and Hon. John 
A. Martin, Kansas, were intrusted with the duty of visiting Chicago, 
appointing a local Committee of Arrangements, and taking charge of 
the preparations for the Convention. Hon. John C. New was made 
Chairman of this committee. 

Hon. John A. Logan being unable to act, Hon. John C. Clough, 
of Illinois, was appointed proxy in his stead. 

The sub-committee held a meeting at the Grand Pacific Hotel, 
Chicago, on Saturday, March 22, 1884, and appointed the following- 
named gentlemen as a 

LOCAL COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS. 

S. B. Raymond, Chairman. Gen. William E. Strong. 

W. K. Sullivan, Secretary. James T. Rawleigh. 

C. B. Farwell. John M. Smythe. 

Eugene Cary. John Crerar. 

Gen. Joseph Stockton. O. W. Potter. 

E. G. Keith. H. N. Higlnbotham. 

Morris Selz. Joseph Schoeninger. 

Louis Hutt. John M. Clark. 

John Hoffman. A. H. Carpenter. 
George E. White. 

A Finance Committee was appointed to provide means for pre- 
paring a proper hall in the Exposition Building, and to defray the 
other necessary expenses of the Convention. 

(iii) 



IV HISTORY OF THE 

The Finance Committee consisted of the following-named gen- 
tlemen : 

B. P. Moulton, Chairman. Frank M. Blair. 

R. A. Keyes, Secretary. Gen. Joseph Stockton. 

J. L. Woodward, Treasurer. R. T. Crane. 

A. C. Bartlett. H. J. MacFarland. 

George C. Clarke. George Schneider. 

Louis Hutt. J. W. Oakley. 
O. S. A. Sprague. ' T, W. Harvey. 

CM. Wicker. John C. Hately. 

M.B.Hull. J. Harley Bradley. 

Max A. Meyer. James Van Inwagen. 

C. D. Hamill. W. H. Sard. 
L. C. Huck. J. L. Lombard. 

This committee made a short and vigorous canvass of the city, 
and, within ten days, had raised a fund amply sufficient to provide for 
all the expenses of the Convention. 

Sub-committees of the local committee, to take charge of neces- 
sary details, were appointed by the Chairman of the Local Committee 
of Arrangements, as follows : 

TRANSPORTATION. 

Stockton, Strong, Smythe. 

hotels. 
Smythe, Farwell, Clarke. 

press. 
Sullivan, Hutt, Schoeninger. 

printing. 
Selz, Cary, White, 
official reporting and official publication. 
Cary, Smythe, Hutt. 

telegraphy. 
Rawleigh, Farwell, Clarke. 

music. 
Keith, Schoeninger, Selz. 
decoration. 
White, Clark, Strong. 

employes. 
Hoffman, Strong, and the Sergeant-at-Armp. 

AUDITING. 

Strong, Higinbotham, Carpenter. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. V 

On the recommendation of the Local Committee of Arrangements, 
the National Sub-Committee appointed Col. James A. Sexton Ser- 
geant-at-Arms. Mr. Win, J. Guest was appointed Assistant Secre- 
tary of the Local Committee, and Messrs. Dement, Youker & Co. 
were appointed the Official Reporters of the Convention. 

The local organization, thus perfected, carried forward the prepara- 
tions with complete success. Rooms for the use of the Associated 
Press and several telegraph companies were fitted up in the Exposi- 
tion Hall, and liberal accommodations were also provided for the 
reporters of the daily press. 

The seating capacity of the Convention Hall was 9,500. 

The National Committee met in Chicago, on Saturday, the 31st of 
May, and the hall was then turned over to them by the Local Com- 
mittee of Arrangements. 

At a meeting held on June 2d, the National Committee adopted 
the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Committee are due to the citizens of Chi- 
cago generally, and especially to the Committees on Arrangements and Finance, 
charged with the duty of providing a suitable place of meeting, and making 
other provisions for the assembly of the National Convention, for the ample 
and careful arrangements perfected by them. 

The Convention met on Tuesday, June 3d, and adjourned on Fri- 
day, June 6th. The following pages contain an accurate verbatim 
record of its proceedings, transcribed from the short-hand notes of 
the Official Reporters, to which is also added the proceedings of the 
committee to notify the candidates of their nomination, and the can- 
didates' letters of acceptance. 



SECRE TAR Y'S CER TIFICA TE. 



This Record of the Proceedings of the Republican National 
Convention, held at Chicago, in June, 1884, is the only official pub- 
lication of the same j and to insure the most complete accuracy in this 
valuable Report, I have submitted the proof -sheets to the special revision 
of each prominent participator in the Convention interested in the same, 
with the hope of making this publication as nearly absolutely correct 
as possible. 

CHAS. W. CLISBEE, 

Secretary of the Convention. 
Cassopolis, Mich., August 10, 1884. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION, 



PROCEEDINGS. 

FIRST DAY. 

Tuesday, June 3, 1884. 
The Eighth National Convention oe the Republican Paety, 
for the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President, 
convened, pursuant to the call of the National Committee, at the 
Exposition Building, in the city of Chicago, Tuesday, June 3, 1884, 
at 12 o'clock noon. 

The Convention was called to order at 12:28 p.m. by Hon. Dwight 
M. Sabin, Chairman of the National Committee, who said : 

Gentlemen of the Eighth Republican National Convention : The hour having 
arrived appointed for the meeting of this Convention, it will now be opened 
by prayer by the Rev. Mr. Bristol. 

PRAYER BY THE REV. FRANK M. BRISTOL. 

Let us pray. God of our fathers, we adore and worship Thee ; and to Thee, 
by whose grace and providence we are what we are as a nation, we would lift 
our hearts in devout thanksgiving and everlasting praise. We thank Thee for 
our glorious National heritage; for this magnificent land of wealthy hills and 
fertile plains; for the laws and institutions which make it a land of progress 
and of liberty. We thank Thee for our Christian sires — lovers of freedom and 
of God; men of conscience and integrity, whose names have jeweled history, 
and the memory of whose deeds is an inspiration to heroism and patriotic pride. 
We thank Thee for Plymouth Rock, for Yorktown, for Appomattox, footsteps 
that mark the progress of righteousness and the higher law. We thank Thee 
for the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States and 
the Emancipation Proclamation, our blood-bought charters of freedom. We 
thank Thee for the Republican party ; for its splendid history, and its still 
more splendid possibilities. 

And now as this great Convention enters upon the work which will involve 
the most precious interests of fifty millions of people, and in a large sense the 

(3) 



4 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

destiny of free institutions, we devoutly and most earnestly supplicate the 
blessing of Almighty God. Bless the members of this body, the homes, the 
States, the party and the Nation which they represent, May the ambition of 
patriotism, the wisdom of statesmanship and the righteousness of Christian 
conscientiousness possess every breast and control every action; and may the 
results of this Convention be in harmony with the will of God concerning us, 
and be received with joy by the people of this whole land. 

And grant, Almighty God, that the coming political campaign may be con- 
ducted with that decency, intelligence, patriotism and dignity of temper which 
become a free and an intelligent people. Continue Thy mercies to us. Bless our 
country with peace, prosperity and universal enlightenment. May we never 
deny the faith of our fathers. May we never cease to be a temperate, a free, 
an industrious, a Sabbath-keeping, a God-fearing and a Christian people, 
blessed with the righteousness that exalteth a Nation. And to Thee, Father, 
Son and Holy Spirit, will we ascribe praise and offer worship forever. Amen. 

THE CALL FOR THE CONVENTION. 

The Secretary of the National Committee read the call for the 
Convention as follows : 

Washington, D. G, Dec. 12, 1883. 

A National Republican Convention will meet at Chicago, 111. , Tuesday, 
June 3d, 1884, at 12 o'clock noon, for the nomination of candidates to be 
supported for President and Yice-President at the next election. 

The Republican electors of the several States, and all other votors, without 
regard to past political differences, who are in favor of elevating and dignifying 
American labor, protecting and extending home industries, giving free popular 
education to the masses of the people, securing free suffrage and an honest 
counting of ballots, effectually protecting all human rights in every section of 
our common country; and who desire to promote friendly feeling and perma- 
nent harmony throughout the land by maintaining a National government 
pledged to these objects and principles, are cordially invited to send from each 
State four delegates-at-large, and from each Congressional district two dele- 
gates, and for each representative-at-large two delegates to the Convention. 

The delegates-at-large shall be chosen by popular State conventions, called 
on not less than twenty days' published notice, and not less than thirty days 
before the time fixed for the meeting of the National Convention. 

The Republicans of the various Congressional districts shall have the option 
of electing their delegates at separate popular delegate conventions, called on 
similar notice, and held in the Congressional districts at any time within the 
fifteen days next prior to the meeting of the State Conventions, or by sub- 
divisions of the State Conventions into District Conventions; and such delegates 
shall be chosen in the latter method if not elected previous to the meeting of 
the State Conventions. All district delegates shall be accredited by the officers 
of such District Conventions. 

Two delegates shall be allowed from each Territory and from the District of 
Columbia, similarly chosen. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 5 

Notices of contests shall be given to the National Committee, accompanied 
by full printed statements of the grounds of contests, which shall also be made 
public; and preference in order of hearing and determining contests shall be 
given by the Convention according to the dates of the reception of such notices 
and statements by the National Committee. 

D. M. SABIN, Minnesota, Chairman. 

John A. Martin, Kansas, Secretary. 

OPENING ADDRESS BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE, HON. DWIGHT M. SABIN. 

Gentlemen of the Convention : On behalf of the National Republican Com- 
mittee, permit me to welcome you to Chicago. As Chairman of that Committee, 
it is both my duty and pleasure to call you to order as a National Republican 
Convention. 

This city, already known as the City of Conventions, is among the most 
cherished of all the spots of our country, sacred to the memories of a Repub- 
lican. It is the birthplace of Republican victory. On these fields of labor 
gathered the early fathers of our political faith, and planned the great battle 
for the preservation of the Union. Here they chose that immortal chief that 
led us on to victory — Abraham Lincoln. Here were gathered in council those 
gifted men who secured the fruits of that long struggle by elevating to the first 
place in the nation the foremost chieftain of that great contest — Gen. Grant. 
Here was afterward witnessed that signal triumph which anticipated the wish 
of the Nation by nominating as color-bearer of the party, that honored soldier, 
that shining citizen, that representative American, James A. Garfield. Every 
deliberation of Republican forces on this historic ground has been followed by 
signal success. And every contest planned on this spot has carried forward 
our line of battle, until to-day our banners overlook every position of the 
enemy. 

Indeed, so secure now is the integrity of the Union ; so firmly embodied in 
the constitution and laws of the land are the safeguards of individual liberty ; 
so fairly and fully achieved is the past, that by general consent, the time has 
now arrived for new dispositions of the party forces in contemplation of new 
lines of operation. 

Having compassed the defeat of our opponents on all former occasions, the 
party is about to set its house in order and take counsel as to the direction and 
management of its future course. In the comparative lull of party strife which 
distinguishes the present condition of National politics, there is observable an 
increasing disposition to look after the men who are to execute and the methods 
that are to guide them in the execution of the powers committed to them, for 
the management of the affairs of the Republic. 

As a result of a rule adopted in the last National Convention, this Convention 
finds itself constituted by a large majority of gentlemen who have been clothed 
with delegated powers by conventions in their several Congressional districts. 
On this consideration may be grounded a hope that the voice of the people will, 
beyond recent precedent, be felt in moulding the work you are summoned to 
perform, so that its results may be such as to win the unhesitating and undevi- 



6 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

ating support of every lover of those principles by which the party has here- 
tofore triumphed and yet will triumph. 

When we consider the memories of the past, so intimately connected with 
this city, and even with this edifice (which the people of Chicago have so 
generously placed at your disposal); when we reflect upon the deep-seated con- 
cern among all people in the result of your deliberations, and the various in- 
centives to the abandonment of personal ambitions in the interest of the party 
welfare, you can not wonder that the committee, and beyond it the great Re- 
publican masses, extend you a most hearty welcome to this scene of labor, in 
the confident hope that your efforts will result in such an exposition of Re- 
publican doctrine, and disclose such a just appreciation of Republican men in 
the choice of .your nominees, as to rejoice the hearts of your constituents and 
keep victory on the side of our ever-victorious banners. 

NOMINATIONS FOR TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

In conclusion, gentlemen, and at the request of the National Republican 
Committee, I have to propose to you as Temporary Chairman of this Con- 
vention, the Hon. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. 

Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. In accordance with the vote 
of the majority of the committee, and in accordance with precedent, you have 
presented the name of a gentleman as Temporary Chairman. It is the right of 
this Convention to adopt that suggestion, or to revise it, if they deem it to be 
their duty to do so. With no view of introducing any personal contest, with 
no view of attempting to make any test vote as to the strength of candidates; 
but simply with a view to making a nomination for Temporary Chairman which 
shall have the best possible effect in strengthening the party throughout the 
country, there are many members of this Convention, I believe, who feel that 
a nomination which would strengthen the party more could be made than that 
which has been presented by the National Committee. I therefore have the 
honor to move, as it is certainly most desirable that we should recognize, -as you 
have done, Mr. Chairman, the Republicans of the South — I therefore desire to 
present the name of a gentleman well known throughout the South for his 
conspicuous parliamentary ability, for his courage and his character. I move 
you, Mr. Chairman, to substitute the name of the Hon. John R. Lynch, of 
Mississippi. 

Mr. C. A. Simpson, of Mississippi. I second the motion. 

Mr. Lodge. I ask that in taking the vote the roll may be called on that 
question. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention : You hear the motion for a 
substitution of the name of John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, and on that motion 
a call of the roll is demanded. 

Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I desire to heartily second the 
nomination of John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, and move that the roll be called, 
and that the delegates express their choice for either of the men presented. 

The Chairman. The roll will be called by the Secretary, and as their 
names are called by States, each gentleman will rise in his seat, and announce 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

the name of the gentleman whom he desires to vote for as Temporary Chairman 
of this Convention. 

Mr. William W. Morrow, of California. Before you proceed to the call 
of the roll of States, I desire to suggest that it appears to me that it is proper 
that we should proceed with deliberation in these preliminary proceedings in 
the formation of this Convention. I believe it to be a fact that for over forty 
years it has been the practice of the National Committees to name to the Na- 
tional Convention some gentleman who should act as Temporary Chairman. 
That practice has grown to be the common law of political parties in this 
country. 

Besides, I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that it seems to me inappropriate on 
this great occasion, when we are proposing to start with unanimity and with 
courage to lay the foundation of a campaign that shall lead to victory, for us to 
commence here on this floor with suggestions of the possibility that there should 
be any division with respect to so simple a question. The National Committee, 
the representative of the great Republican party of this country, in its wisdom 
has selected the gentleman from Arkansas to act as the Temporary Chairman 
of this Convention. I have faith in the integrity and wisdom of the National 
Committee in their choice. And I do not think that this Convention is pre- 
pared to reverse the precedent of over forty years for the purpose of forming a 
contest in this preliminary matter. 

Mr. Chairman, allow me to suggest that we should take counsel from the 
wisdom and gallantry of those heroes of the party who heretofore in these Con- 
ventions have suggested, and under their guiding wisdom have formed these 
Conventions in their preliminary matters with entire harmony and with entire 
success. We come here from all parts of this country with our separate views 
and advocating certain principles, and we come to this altar and lay them here, 
and say that whatever may be the judgment of this Convention upon the great 
principles of the party, let them be determined, and we will go home and we 
will carry your judgment to our respective sections of the country, and we will 
carry it forward to victory and to success. 

Now, let us sustain the National Committee in this matter, which I tell you, 
gentlemen, is for the success and harmony of the Republican party of this 
country. 

Mr. Geoege William Curtis, of New York. This is the supreme council 
of the Republican party. Here at this moment, sir, American citizens profess- 
ing the Republican faith are met to open the great Republican campaign of 
1884, which, sir, by the grace of God and by the true hearts of the Republican 
party, shall be like those other campaigns to which you have so well and fitly 
alluded. Now, sir, what is done in the question now raised before this Con- 
vention is to be the first act done by the Republican party in that great cam- 
paign; and by that act, believe me, the people of this country will judge the 
purpose and the spirit of the Republican party. 

Unquestionably it has been the usual practice, as the gentleman from Cali- 
fornia [Mr. Morrow] has said, that the nomination of Temporary Chairman 
made by the National Committee should be ratified by the Convention itself. 
But the spirit of the nomination made to this Convention is a spirit of recogni- 



8 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

tion of Southern Republicans; and when, sir, this Convention, without in the 
slightest degree impugning the purpose or the authority of that committee, 
within its bounds, proceeds to exercise its own unquestionable right to be 
judged in the first act of the campaign by its own unquestionable and responsi- 
ble action, then, sir, this Convention may rightfully, and with perfect respect, 
reconsider the nomination which has been submitted. 

In the person of Mr. Lynch we offer you a representative of those people 
who in great part and at unspeakable cost, constitute the Republican party of 
the South; being in himself a man who justifies the friendship and the devotion 
of the Republican party and the citizens whom he represents ; in himself, sir, 
a candidate such as this Convention will naturally seek without any imputation 
upon any gentleman who may be submitted ; in himself a candidate of whom 
every Republican may be justly proud, and for whom in voting, as I believe, 
sir, every Republican in this hall, in the depths jof his own consciousness at 
this moment knows, responds to the expectation anoTthe demand and the hope 
of the great Republican masses of the country, whose eyes are at this moment 
fixed upon this hall, and who are waiting to hear that the first act of the Re- 
publican Convention of 1884 shall be an act which every one of us will glory 
to defend upon the stump, and to which the Republican party of the country 
will respond with a shout of victory. 

Mr. Josiah H. Drummond, of Maine. I desire to take up but a moment 
of the time of this Convention, and yet I desire to say that no one in Massa- 
chusetts or New York has a higher regard for the Republicans of the South, 
represented by the gentleman placed in nomination by my friend from Massa- 
chusetts [Mr. Lodge], than I have myself, and my fellow-delegates from the 
State of Maine. But, sir, it strikes me that the recognition of this principle by 
this Convention comes now at a late moment. At this time for the first moment 
is this matter brought forward. If we can trust the reports of the public press 
in relation to the proceedings of the National Committee, the name of the dis- 
tinguished gentleman from Mississippi was not presented to that committee. 
But it is presented now for the first time ; and I say, sir, that we who support 
the nominee of the National Committee must not and ought not to be charged 
with the slightest disrespect or the slightest want of appreciation of the Repub- 
licans of the South, or the particular class which is represented by the gentle- 
man who has been placed in nomination. 

But, sir, I rise for the purpose of making a suggestion. I understood the 
Chair to say that the roll of delegates — each individual delegate — was to be 
called ; and I rose to move that instead of that, the roll of States be called, that 
each State may announce its vote as usual. Am I right in my understanding of 
this? If so, I move that when the vote is taken, it be taken by a call of the 
roll of States. 

The Chairman. In the absence of any parliamentary rules governing this 
body, the rules of the House of Representatives will be followed as closely as 
possible. It is evident to the Chair that at least one-fifth of this body desire the 
call of the roll, and will be entitled to that call, if so demanded. 

Mr. Drummond. The roll of delegates? 

The Chairman. The roll of delegates will be called at the proper time. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 9 

Mr. Deummom). Is my motion out of order? My motion is to proceed 
with the call by States. 

The Chairman. The Chair will rule that the motion is out of order at 
this time. 

Mr. John Stewart, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman — [Cries of "Roll 
call."] 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the floor. 

Mr. Stewart. I make no dissent, Mr. Chairman, from the position taken 
by the distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Curtis], that this, the 
supreme council of the Republican party, has it within its power to negative 
the action of its committee; but I rise to question the expediency of any such 
action. Nothing short of something which would offend the dignity and 
which would compromise the honor of the Republican party will justify this 
Convention in putting that stigma upon their National Executive Committee. 
The proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] involves 
the violation of an established precedent of this party. Upon what ground is it 
demanded? That one is more worthy than the other? Not at all. I know 
nothing of the private record of either of these distinguished gentlemen. I do 
know something of their official record, and that which is public and written in 
the light of day. I do know that he who has been nominated by the Executive 
Committee of this body has rendered to his country distinguished services upon 
the field of battle. No man assails his worth. Why then deny or reject the 
action of your committee? This Convention will not listen to the voice of 
men who seek to excite sectional or personal animosities. This Convention will 
rise to a point where it will realize its great duty and the high responsibility 
resting upon it, and will ratify the action of its committee, and voice the senti- 
ment of the Republican party of the United States. 

Mr. Roswell G-. Horr, of Michigan. I rise for the purpose of seconding 
the motion of the gentleman from Maine [Mr. Drummond] — such a motion as 
I understood that he made — that we proceed to settle this question by a call of 
the States. Let me explain why. It takes over two hours to call and receive 
the votes of 820 men called in their consecutive order. [Cries of " Roll call," 
"AYe'll stay here if it takes ten hours," "Yes, or all summer."] If you call 
the roll by States, each State is at work taking its vote all at the same time, and 
we can do in thirty minutes what we can not do in the other form in an hour 
and a half ; and it certainly can make no difference in the result, because, the 
question being before this Convention, each man is going to vote his convic- 
tions, whether he votes when his name is called by the Secretary or by the 
Chairman of his own State. Now, as a matter of economy of time, I move, sir, 
that the roll be called by States, permitting each State to collect its vote and 
announce it to the Chair. • 

Mr. Ben M. Prentiss, of Missouri. I rise for a particular purpose. I know 
not the object of this motion to ignore the action of the National Committee. 
I understand that they have recommended to this Convention an old comrade of 
mine, Gen. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. I wish to say I entertain the idea 
that a refusal to indorse the recommendation of our National Committee goes 
forth to the American Republic as a stigma upon that man, and I am not 



10 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

willing to remain silent while I know his conduct. I know him as a citizen; I 
have known him as a soldier; I have known him as a friend of the men a 
representative of whom has been nominated for the position of Temporary 
Chairman. And I rise in this Convention to say, gentlemen, be careful how 
you stigmatize a man placed before you by the National Committee. Powell 
Clayton carries the mark of loyalty to the flag to-day. He is a Southern Re- 
publican, and you recognize the Southern Republicans by electing him your 
Temporary Chairman. Go cautiously, gentlemen. If you seek by your votes 
to displace him from that platform, you seek to do that which ought not to be 
done; and you will not succeed in placing there a more fitting servant than 
Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. 

Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. I trust that the motion made 
by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] will be adopted, and that 
we will select as Chairman of this Convention that representative Republican, 
Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. Chairman, it has been said by the distinguished 
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stewart], that it is without precedent to 
reverse the action of the National Committee. Who has not known numerous 
instances where the action of a State Committee has been reversed by the State 
Convention ? Not one of us but has known such instances. Now there are, 
as I understand it, but two delegates to this Convention who have seats on the 
National Committee ; and I hold it to be derogatory to our honor, to our 
capacity for self-government, to say that we must accept the nomination of a 
presiding officer by another body; and that our hands are tied, and we dare not 
reverse its action. 

Now, one word more. I trust that the vote will be taken by individual mem- 
bers, and not by States. Let each man stand accountable to those whom he rep- 
resents for his vote. Let no man be able to shelter himself behind the shield of 
his State. What we say is, that one of the cardinal doctrines of the American 
political government is the accountability of each man to his people; and let 
each man stand up here and cast his vote, and then go home and abide by what 
he has done. 

It is now, Mr. Chairman, less than a quarter of a century since, in this city, 
the great Republican party for the first time organized for victory, and nomi- 
nated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, who broke the fetters of the slave and rent 
them asunder forever. It is a fitting thing for us to choose to preside over this 
Convention one of that race whose right to sit within these walls is due to the 
blood and the treasure so lavishly spent by the founders of the Republican 
party. And it is but a further vindication of the principles for which the Re- 
publican party so long struggled. I trust that the Hon. Mr. Lynch will be 
elected Temporary Chairman of this Convention. 

Mr. Clark E. Carr, of Illinois. It seems to some gentlemen sitting in the 
neighborhood where I am, that the question to be considered at this time is, 
whether or not the action of the National Committee has been wise, prudent, 
and for the best interests of the Republican party; whether or not the National 
Committee have selected a fit, proper and wise man to be the Temporary Chair- 
man of this Convention. If the National Committee has failed in this, it is 
proper that its action should be overruled, and that another be put in his place. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 11 

If the National Committee has succeeded in this, it is proper that the action of 
the National Committee should be sustained by this Convention. The question, 
as it comes to us sitting here, is, whether Gen. Powell Clayton is or is not a fit 
man to preside here. Some of us have known him for many years. We have 
known his devotion to the principles for which we have fought. Some of us 
have known how much he himself has done in fighting the battles of the freed- 
men in this country. Some of us are unwilling that a stigma should be placed 
upon his great and grand name. 

We know that there are five hundred other men in this Convention who 
would be fit and proper presiding officers; but, having been selected by this 
committee, we are unwilling that we should place a stigma upon Powell Clay- 
ton at this time by voting against the action of the National Committee. There 
are some gentlemen here from Illinois who do not feel that it would be proper 
and right for them to go before the world with a candidate from a Convention 
whose action, the first of all, had been to put down a man who carries an empty 
sleeve. 

Mr. W. N. Taft, of South Carolina. Had not gentlemen who have spoken in 
behalf of the action of the National Committee, put it upon two grounds, I 
would not rise in this place to say one word. The first thing that is said to us 
is, that the National Committee have done this out of respect to the Southern 
Republicans; and again they say that, having done so, we should not reverse 
the action because it is the action of the National Committee. 

In the first place, Mr. Chairman, if the action of the National Committee be 
not in accord with the wishes of the majority of this Convention, it is not only 
our right, but our duty to ourselves, that we reverse the action here and now. 

And, again, it has been said, Mr. Chairman (and I regret that it has been 
injected into this debate), that we are casting a stigma upon Powell Clayton, of 
Arkansas, because he is an old soldier. I, too, am an old soldier of the Union 
army. And we have got more of them in the Southern delegations; and when 
you come to poll the vote, you will find that the old soldiers of the Union army, 
who have been in the South in the hard and rough days of reconstruction, in 
the rough days when we were trying to get a free ballot and a fair count, you 
will find their votes cast for the Hon. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. 

Why do we do it? We do it because the majority, and the vast majority, of 
Southern delegates upon this floor believe that he more truly represents the 
spirit of the Republican party; that spirit that knows no shrinking; the spirit 
that dares go to the polls, shot-gun or what not, and vote with the Republican 
party. The question has been before this country for a long time; and when 
National Conventions meet they put a plank in their platform for a free ballot 
and a fair count. Only those that live in the South know what that means. "A 
free ballot and a fair count " means a great many things to us. It means our 
homes, our safety, our lives ; and John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, represents 
that; and we, as Southern delegates, will stand by him and support him for that 
reason. 

And, Mr. Chairman, I don't think it will be throwing any slur upon the Na- 
tional Committee. That committee is not entirely composed of delegates upon 
this floor; and, even if it were, they could more fully voice the sentiment of 



12 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

this Convention, in my opinion, than they have done. The committee have 
put it upon the ground that they want to recognize Southern Republicans. We, 
as Southern Republicans, say to this National Convention, if you wish to honor 
us and give us some recognition, then we, as Southern men, ask you to vote for 
the Hon. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. 

Mr. Patrick H. Winston, Jr., of North Carolina. If I understand the 
action of this committee, it has no more force than a mere recommendation to 
this body. As such, and appreciating that recommendation, as a Southern 
Republican I have a right to say, with all courtesy to the committee, I prefer 
somebody else. I take it that, with the best of feeling, this Convention has 
the right to decide who shall preside over its deliberations. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, this is not the time to engender a bad spirit here; but, 
sir, the plea has been made that Mr. Clayton is a soldier. I honor him, that 
he has fought under the flag of liberty ; but, sir, I remember that there are 
three millions of Southern black Republicans, inhabitants of this country, who 
have no voice here, except what we are about to give them this day. And, sir, 
the men of Copiah and Danville, and many other places, appeal to this Con- 
vention, and will not appeal in vain. 

Mr. Chairman, this is a simple matter. There is a great to-do kicked up 
here to-day. Why haven't we the right to decide whom we want for Chairman? 
I say, gentlemen, I propose to cast my vote for the distinguished gentleman 
from the great Southern State of Mississippi. 

The Chairman. The Chair desires to state, that on this matter being pre- 
sented to him a short time since, he felt called upon to call to his assistance 
some of the very best parliamentary talent in the country; and had presented 
the ruling which I will now read you, by the Chairman of the last National 
Republican Convention, that able parliamentarian, that distinguished jurist, 
Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts. In this ruling he took the position which the 
Chair feels called upon to assume and maintain at this time. It reads as follows : 
" The Chair supposes that in the absence of any rules the method of taking the 
" question rests in the sound discretion of the Chair, subject, of course, to the 
" order of the Convention," etc. 

The Chair would state that this is emphatically a Convention of the people, 
and that every citizen representing a seat on this floor has the undoubted right to 
a free expression of his opinions, and a right to have that expression recorded. 
The Chair will, therefore, after a reasonable debate — and in this respect will 
not assume to follow any arbitrary rule, but to give the utmost liberality and 
latitude to debate — call the roll by individuals — by delegates. 

Mr. Wm. G. Green, of Maryland. Now that this Convention, after a long 
public discussion and public expectation, has reached this culminating hour of 
its purpose; now that there comes a lull, a throbbing of heart and bating of 
breath, awaiting the further purport and purpose of our proceedings; standing 
as we do in the presence of the whole land, the congregated millions of citizens 
of this Republic having halted to catch with bated breath the further progress 
and purpose of our proceedings; it is eminently proper that we should proceed 
deliberately and in order; and I submit, sir, that we should take abundant time 
upon a question like this, to give it full and free discussion. Speaking for my- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 13 

self, for a Republican district in a border State, one on the southern side of 
that line once so fiercely contended for ; speaking for Southern Republicans 
and in behalf of a constituency made up of native and foreigner, Northerner 
and Southerner, Confederate and Federal, white men and black men, I say in 
their behalf that the voice of my district will approve me in sustaining John R. 
Lynch as a proper candidate for Chairman of this Convention. 

Mr. Chairman, in saying this I abate not one jot or tittle of my regard for 
the men who carried that flag for four years through the fierce conflict of 
battle. There is no memory or association that will ever be dearer to me than 
the memory that I touched elbows and'shouldered muskets with those vanished 
columns whose potent influence upon the age and the Nation shall never break 
rank. I remember our generals and our privates I have respect and love 
for those men that led and commanded and won their fame and their name; 
but nearer and dearer to me is my memory of the dusty, and weary, and 
wounded columns that were commanded and obeyed. And I know that they 
who marched over Southern soil, shoulder to shoulder with the colored men 
and Southern Republicans, will indorse the man who is a representative of 
that people that make up the great bulk of the party, the bone and sinew of 
the Republican party in the Southern States. 

It has been said Gen. Clayton has an empty sleeve. I carry, too, an empty 
sleeve; and in that there is a chord of sympathy between us; but I carry also 
a heart in sympathy with the Republican party, and I believe it to be to their 
best interests that John R, Lynch should be selected as our Temporary Chair- 
man here to-day. 

Mr. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. I appreciate the fact that this dis- 
cussion has already wearied the patience of this Convention, and yet I believe 
that we can better afford to stay here for a day or a year rather than that an in- 
justice shall be done to any man by this Convention. If this Convention is to 
overturn the action of its National Committee, let it not be done under a pre- 
text which masks the real design. If it be true that the spontaneous expression 
of this Convention is in favor of recognizing the colored element of the South; 
if that be the honest purpose of these gentlemen, as they have honestly said to 
us, then let the committee appointed by this Convention upon permanent or- 
ganization voice it in the selection of Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi, as Permanent 
Chairman. But, sir, in recognizing that colored element, let us not also do in- 
justice to that element which made it possible for a colored man to sit on the 
floor of this Convention. If it be true that there are any just, wise, potent, 
overwhelming reasons why the action of the Republican National Committee 
should be disregarded and sat down upon by this Convention, let the voice be 
heard here, where every man has a right to speak, before his people and his 
God. But on behalf of the Western country, where almost every quarter- 
section is the homestead of a man that proved his loyalty to the party by car- 
rying a musket and following the flag, we say, we are for Gen. Clayton, the 
choice of the National Committee. 

Mr. Mason W. Benjamin, of Arkansas. It seems to me that this is a very 
strange proceeding"; an unusual one. It has never been attempted before, and 
now why is it? They sa}' they want to recognize the Southern Republicans; 



14 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

and they want to do something for the Southern Republicans. Now, there is 
one thing I want to call the attention of this Convention to in regard to this 
candidate who is reported by the committee. The Hon. Powell Clayton, in 
1868, was Governor of the State of Arkansas. It is a well-known fact in his- 
tory that all over the Southern States there was organized what was known as 
a Ku-Klux Klan. There have been more Southern Republicans killed and 
wounded by this klan and others than were men killed during the Mexican 
war — than were killed during the war of 1812. Now, what did Powell Clay- 
ton, as Governor, do? He called out the militia of the State of Arkansas, and 
he whipped and overcame them, so that that was the end of it in that State; 
and never since that time have you heard anything of any troubles from the 
Ku-Klux of Arkansas. No. You find it in every other State; and had they 
called out the militia in other States at the start, thousands of colored men who 
have been murdered by these men would be able to be here and be in this Con- 
vention, instead of being in the grave as they are now. I say he has done more 
to elevate the cause of Republicanism in the South, in this one act alone, than 
anything else that was ever done by any Southern Republican. 

I do not have one word to say against Mr. Lynch. If he had been brought 
in here by this committee, I would have supported him. If he should be 
brought in by the Committee on Permanent Organization for Permanent Chair- 
man, no man would support him more cheerfully than I would. 

Mr. C. C. Sheats, of Alabama. I suppose that every man's mind is made 
up on this question. We know that Mr. Clayton was Governor of Arkansas; 
we know that Mr. Lynch was a member of Congress from Mississippi. We 
know, sir, that they are both in nomination for Temporary Chairman of this 
Convention; and I think every delegate here is satisfied and is prepared to vote, 
and in order to cut this matter short, I now call the previous question. 

The Chairman. The Chair would state that the previous question is hot 
to be called at this time, but will order the roll called by the Secretary. As the 
names of the various delegates are called, each delegate will rise in his seat and 
announce his preference for either Mr. Lynch or General Clayton. 

THE CALLING OF THE ROLL. 

The Secretary then began to call the roll. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The call has been commenced. 

Mr. Foraker. We have no rule now governing this Convention that pre- 
vents the interruption of the call of the roll. Therefore, I rise to inquire of the 
Chair, by what authority have you dispensed with the motion which has been 
pending, and which has been under discussion, to the effect that the call of the 
States should be had instead of calling the members? As I understand, the 
Chair made this ruling and read it; that in the absence of organization the Chair 
should exercise a sound discretion, subject only to the control of the Conven- 
tion. Now the Convention has asked to be heard to say whether or not the 
discretion which the Chair intimated it would exercise, should be controlled by 
the Convention. We think we have a right to be heard upon that. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 15 

The Chairman. The Chair will announce, once for all, that he will recog- 
nize no gentleman in this Convention during the roll call. You will suspend 
the call for a moment. Gentlemen, there is a great deal of unnecessary noise in 
the Convention, which greatly annoys the Clerk, and retards the business. 

On calling the State of Arkansas, 

Mr. Logan H. Roots, of Arkansas, said: I am authorized by the delega- 
tion from Arkansas, thirteen of whom are present, Powell Clayton being ab- 
sent, to cast the thirteen votes for Powell Clayton. 

In calling the roll for Georgia, the Secretary called E. F. Johnson, 
as a delegate from the first district. 

Mr. W. A. Pledger, of Georgia. That is a mistake. E. F. Johnson is not 
a delegate to the Convention. A. N. Wilson and James Blue are from the 
first district. 

The Chairman. The Clerk will pass the first district until the certified 
copy is presented. The names of the regular delegates were on the corrected 
roll, but were not substituted in the printed roll. The names will be called 
later. 

When Indiana was called, 

Mr. Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, said : The delegate who repre- 
sents at large the State of Indiana in place of General Harrison, is Mr. John H. 
Roelker, his alternate; General Harrison not being here. Shall his name be 
called ? 

The Chairman. His name will be called as the alternate. 

The announcements of the votes by the different delegates were 
greeted with loud applause, and caused considerable confusion. 

The Chairman. The Chair would state that the cheering on the announce- 
ment of votes will not change a single vote of this Convention, and it greatly 
retards the business and greatly annoys the reporters here, who claim they are 
not able to hear one-half of the responses. And the Chair would ask as a 
special favor that cheering from this time on during the roll call shall cease. 
You can devote any amount of time you need, after the announcement, to this 
recreation. 

In calling the roll for Massachusetts, when the Secretary reached 
the name of " Charles T. Gallagher," 

Mr. George F. Hoar said: Mr. Gallagher is absent. 

The Chairman. The name of his alternate will be called. 

The Secretary called " William N. Young." 

Mr. Hoar. John Taylor will respond for Mr. Gallagher. 



16 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The Chairman. The Chair is informed that Mr. Young is the immediate 
alternate of Mr. Gallagher; and his name is entitled to be called first. If he is 
absent, then the other alternate will be called. 

The Secretary again called Mr. Young. 

The Chairman. Is Mr. Young present ? 
Mr. Hoar. Mr. Young is absent. 

The Secretary then called the other alternate, John Taylor, who 
voted. 

In the same delegation Mr. Theodore C. Bates being absent, the 
alternate, Calvin D. Paige, voted instead. 

As Mr. Levi L. Brown did not respond to his name, the Secretary 
called the alternate, Mr. Charles N. Yeomans. 

Mr. Hoar. You have not called the other alternate. 

The Secretary. Levi L. Brown. 

Mr. Hoar. He is absent. Edward S. Wilkinson has not been called. 

The Secretary. Mr. Yeomans is the immediate alternate; and he has 
voted. 

Mr. Hoar. ^r. Wilkinson is the proper alternate. Mr. Yeomans has voted 
as the alternate for Mr. Hyde. The alternate for Levi L. Brown is also absent. 
Mr. Wilkinson has not been called. 

Mr. Henry C. Lodge. The name of Mr. Yeomans, who has voted, should 
be withdrawn. Mr. Yeomans is the alternate for Mr. Hyde. Mr. Hyde is 
here, and has voted. Mr. Yeomans has voted; and his vote should be with- 
drawn. It was given under a mistake. Instead of Mr. Yeomans, call Mr. 
Wilkinson. He is the alternate of Mr. Brown. 

Mr. Chairman. It does not so appear on the record as presented by the 
committee. 

The Secretary. The printed roll contains the name of Mr. Yeomans as 
the alternate for Mr. Brown. 

The Chairman. The roll has been called as reported and made by the 
National Committee; and the proper alternate has been called for the name of 
Mr. Brown. 

After the vote of Minnesota had been announced, 

Mr. C. K. Davis said: I desire to change the vote of C. K. Davis to 
Powell Clayton. 

The Chairman. The vote will be changed. 

Mr. John M. Crane, of the New York delegation, did not respond, 
and the Secretary called, as the alternate, Thomas Young. 

Mr. George William Curtis. The alternate of Mr. Crane i* Mr. John 
A. King. Mr. Crane is absent; Mr. King is present, and his name should be 
call od. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 17 

The Secretary then called Mr. John A. King, who voted. 
The Secretary called the name of " Leslie L. Proctor." 

Mr. Leslie W. Russell, of New York. I think you have the name of the 
delegate wrong. It is Leslie W. Russell, and the alternate is W. L. Proctor. 
The Secretary. It is a typographical error. 

At the end of the roll call, Gen. Clayton arose and addressed 
the Chair as follows : 

Gen. Clayton. When the vote of Arkansas was called I was absent from 
my seat, and my vote was not recorded. I desire to cast my vote now for Mr. 
Lynch. 

The Chairman. Gen. Clayton- desires to cast his vote for Mr. Lynch, and 
the record will be so amended. 

THE RESULT OF THE BALLOT. 

The Secretary announced the result of the vote to be : 

"Whole Number of Votes Cast 818 

JohnR. Lynch 424 

Powell Clayton . 384 

Majority for Lynch 40 

The following is the ballot in detail : 

Alabama. Lynch— George Turner, G. W. Braxdall, C. C. Sheats, J. C. 
Duke, James E. Slaughter, Frank H. Threet, G. W. Washington, Paul Stro- 
bach, I. Heyman, W. Youngblood, W. J. Stevens, H. A. Carson, W. J. An- 
thony, A. A. Mabson, L. J. Washington, R. A. Moseley Jr., Arthur Bingham, 
A. W. McCulloch, P. J. Crenshaw; 19. Clayton— h. E. Parsons; 1. 

Arkansas. Clayton — L. H. Roots, M. W. Gibbs, H. M. Cooper, J. Trieber, 
S. H. Holland, J. H. Johnson, F. Havis, A. A. Tufts, G. H. Thompson, M. 
W. Benjamin, Jacob Yoes, L. Gregg, Kidder Kidd ; 13. Lynch — Powell 
Clayton; 1. 

California. Clayton — Thomas R. Bard, William W. Morrow, George A. 
Knight, Horace Davis, Chauncey C. Bush, Byron O. Carr, William H. Parks, 
George W. Schell, William Johnston, Eli S. Dennison, David McClure, Charles 
F. Crocker, Adolph B. Spreckels, Maurice C. Blake, David C. Reed, Oregon 
Sanders; 16. 

Colorado. Clayton— W. A. Hamill, S. H. Elbert, C. C. Davis, Alexander 
Gullitt, A. L. Emigh, Benjamin F. Crowell; 6. 

Connecticut. Clayton — F. Miles, J. L. Houston, L. I. Munson, Ira G. 
Briggs, Eugene S. Boss, E. J. Hill; 6. Lynch — A. Brandegee, S. E. Merwin 
Jr., V. B. Chamberlain, Ralph P. Gilbert, John G. Edmonds, O. R. Fyler; 6. 

Delaware. Clayton— J. Pilling, G. \\Massey, Daniel J. Lay ton, John H. 
Hoffecker, William J. Stewart; 5. Lynch — Washington Hastings; 1. 
2 



18 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Florida. Lynch— D. Eagan, J. E. Lee, J. D. Cole, W. G. Stewart, J. N. 
Combs, A. C. Lightborne, H. W. Chandler; 7. Clayton— J. G. Long; 1. 

Georgia. Lynch— A. E. Buck, W. A. Pledger, L. M. Pleasant, C. D. For- 
syth, Alex. N. Wilson, James Blue, C. W. Arnold, J. C. Few, Elbert Head, E. 
S. Small, W. H. Johnson, J. C. Beall, J. E. Bryant, W. D. Moore, W. W. 
Brown, P. O. Holt, G. P. Burnett, J. Q. Gassett, M. A.Wood, Madison Davis, 
W. T. B. Wilson, J. B. Gaston, W. F. Holden, R. R. Wrigfit; 24. 

Illinois. Clayton— C. E. Carr, W. H. Ruger, C. E. Piper, J. R. Wheeler, 
L. C. Collins Jr., L. M. Kelly, C. E. Fuller. K Lewis, O. C. Towne, S. G. 
Baldwin, H. T. Noble, R. W. Willett, A. J. Bell, T. Vennum, W. W. Wright, 
R. H. Whiting, C. A. Ballard, W. Jayne, J. W. Fifer, George K. Ingham, L. 
S. Wilcox, C. Churchill, Harrison Black, John I. Rinaker, J. M. Truitt, C. T. 
Strattan, T. M. Simpson, W. McAdams; 28. Lynch— Shelby M. Cullom, John 
M. Hamilton, Burton C. Cook, J. L. Woodard, Abner Taylor, George R.Davis, 
Samuel B. Raymond, S. T. Rogers, C. V. Chandler, A. C. Matthews, W. W. 
Berry, D. C. Smith, Charles G. Eckhart, R. A. Halbert, F Reuter, T. S. Ridg- 
way; 16. 

Indiana. Clayton — John H. Roelker (alternate), John H. Baker. J. O. Cravens, 
Eugene G. Hay, W. A. Montgomery, C. H. Burchenal, J. H. Mellett, 
L. T. Michener, H. C. Adams, William C. Smith, W. R. McKeen, George B. 
Williams, A. C. Daily, Simon P. Thompson, George W. Holman, J. B. Ken- 
ner, Jonas Yotaw, Oscar S. Simons, Orville Carver, Joseph D. Oliver; 20. 
Lynch— R. W. Thompson, Morris McDonald, James C. Veatch, Frank B. Posey, 
George G. Riley, W. R. Gardiner, D. M. Alspaugh, A. P. Charles, Joseph I. 
Irwin, George Moon; 10. 

Iowa. Clayton— J. S. Clarkson, John Y. Stone, N. M. Hubbard, W. Wil- 
son Jr., John Hilsinger, W. T. Shaw, H. C. Hemenway, W. H. Norris, A. G. 
Stewart, O. H. Lyon, J. W. Willett, H. S. Winslow, Calvin Manning, C. H. 
Gatch, E. W. Weeks, W. H. Christie, W. M. Wilson, E. A. Consigney, T. M. 
C. Logan, R. S. Benson, C. C. T. Mason, A. B. Funk, J. D. Ainsworth; 23. 
Lynch— W. G. Donnan, Dennis A. Morrison, Merritt Green Jr. ; 3. 

Kansas. Clayton— -P. B. Plumb, James S. Merritt, A. W. Mann, Cyrus Le- 
land Jr., H. E. Insley, R. Aikman, J. R. Hallowell, W. P. Hackney, George 
R. Peck, William Martindale, E. A. Berry. J. S McDowell, C. C. Wood, J. W. 
Ady; 14. Lynch— J. G. Woods, J. P. Root, C. C. Culp, R. L. Walker; 4. 

Kentucky. Lynch— W. Evans, W. O. Bradley, W. W. Culbertson, J. W. 
Lewis, E. Farley, P. C. Bragg, J. Z. Moore, J. J. Landes, W. L. Hazslip, A. 
Allensworth, G. P. Jolly, Edward Hilpp, Silas F. Miller, John M. Brown, D. 
K Comingore, James A. Scarlett, Richard P. Stoll, G. M. Thomas, Andrew J. 
Auxier. R. A. Buckner Jr.; 20. Clayton— William C. Goodloe, R. Boyd, 
George Denny Jr., T. S. Bradford, J. C. Eversole, H. G. Trimble; 6. 

Louisiana. Lynch— W. Pitt Kellogg, A J. Dumont, P. B. S. Pinchback, A. 
S. Badger, W. B. Merchant, P. F. Herwig, Henry Demas, George Drury, L. A. 
Martinet, E. W. Wall, Louis J. Souer; 11. Clayton— William Harper, Clifford 
Morgan, R. F. Guichard, Frank Morey; 4. Absent, or not voting, A. H. Leon- 
ard; 1. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 19 

Maine. Clayton — George C. Wing, Josiah H. Drummond, Joseph R. Bod- 
well, Joseph S. Wheelwright, Albion Little, Charles E. Hussey, A. E. Crockett, 
R. B. Fuller, J. M. Haynes, Andrew P. Wiswell, Austin Harris, E. A. Thomp- 
son; 12. 

Maryland. Clayton — L. N. Phillips, James Wallace, C. T. Westcott, J. C. 
Mullikin, John T. Ensor, H. M. Clabaugh, William Coath, J. W. Jordan, J. 
McPherson Scott, G. L. Wellington; 10. Lynch— H. B. Holton, Thomas S. 
Hodson, D. P. West, H. W. Rogers, J. A. Gary, W. G. Green; 6. 

Massachusetts. Lynch — George F. Hoar, W. W. Crapo, J. D. Long, 
H. C. Lodge, Jonathan Bourne, F. S. Stevens, E. L. Ripley, H. P. Kidder, 
E. L. Pierce, E. Stearns, John F. Andrew, Amos F. Breed, C. D. Wright, E. H. 
Haskell, G. W. Cate, F. T. Greenhalze, A. C. Stone, J. G. Ray, R. R. Bishop, 
W. W. Rice, C. C. Conant, R. Wallace, H. S. Hyde. Charles N. Yeamans (alter- 
nate)— 24. Clayton— F. M. Ames, J. M. Gove, John Taylor (alternate), 
C. D. Paige (alternate); 4. 

Michigan. Clayton — R. G. Horr, J. C. Burrows, W. H. Coats (alternate), 
W. S. Morey, E. C. Nichols, W. H. Powers, S T. Read, G. W. Webber, J. E. 
Sawyer, J. P. Sanborn, W. S. Tuck, W. E. Watson, M. P. Gale, G. W Bell; 
14. Lynch— W. F. Swift, S. C. Watson, W. A Underwood, J T. Jacobs, J. 
Andrews, H. F. Thomas, M. D. Chatterton, B. R. Noble, Abel Anderson, H. 
H. Aplin, S. C. Moffatt, S. M. Stevenson; 12. 

Minnesota. Clayton — C. K. Davis, T. H. Armstrong, C. H. Conkey. A. 
M. Crosby, V. Canfield, L. Hall, A. Barto, H. G. Page; 8. Lynch— J}. M. 
Sabin, C. H. Graves, O. B. Gould, L. Z. Rogers, R. B. Langdon, S. Newel; G. 

Mississippi. Lynch— B. K. Bruce, J. Hill, R. F. Beck, J. M. Bynum, W. 
H. Kennon, D. T. J. Mathews, W. H. Allen, J. S. Burton, W. Creighton, H. 
H. Harrington, J. W. Longstreet, F. C. Cranberry, W. M. Hancock, C. A. 
Simpson, T. Richardson, J. A. Galbreath; 16. Clayton — H. C. Powers, John R. 
Lynch; 2. 

Missouri. Clayton — B. M. Prentiss, H. E. Havens, J. B. Henderson, R. D. 
Cramer, A. C. Dawes, O. C. Hill, W. Warner, H. C. Meyer, J. C. Bensiek, C. I. 
Filley, J. H. McLean, K. W. Weber, E. B Sankey, J. B. Upton, N. Gibbs, B. 
Duncan; 16. Lynch— R. T. Van Horn, J. T. Barber, J. H. Turner, A. W. 
Mullens, J. H. Thomas, Ira B. Hyde, J. B. Jones, Odin Guitar, W. S. Shirk, 
T. Bruere, M. G. Reynolds, E. Neuenhahn, C. G. Burton, A. B. Carroll; 14. 
Absent or not voting— F. W. Mott, W. D. Tyler; 2. 

Nebraska Clayton — J. M. Thurston, N, S. Harwood, J. Jenson, G. A. 
Brooks, W. T. Scott, G. AY. Burton, C. P. Matthewson, J. H. McCall; 8. 
Lynch — E. L. Reed, C. Howe; 2. 

Nevada. Clayton — M. D. Foley, C. A. Stevenson, S. L. Lee, J. A. Palmer 
(alternate), J. H. Rand, C. S. Young (alternate); 6. 

New Hampshire. Lynch— Charles H. Sawyer, George H. Stowell, Edward 
H. Rollins, Joseph B. Clark, Charles B. McDuffie, Warren Brown, Frank D. 
Currier, Henry B. Atherton; 8. 

New Jersey. Clayton— W. W. Phelps, W. J. Sewell, J. J. Gardner, I. T. 
Nichols, T. B. Harned, W. H. Skein, M. Hutchinson, J. I. Blair, W. Cook ; 9. 



20 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Lynch- J. F. Fort, J. W. Herbert, J. R. English, W. H. Long, W. H. Howell, 
H. Lekbach, W. Riker, J. Gopsill, J. Ramsey; 9. 

New York. Lynch— H. Roosevelt, A. D. White, J. I. Gilbert, E. Packard, 
G. W. Curtis, J. A. King (alternate), E. H. Hobbs, S. B. Dutcher, A. D. Baird, 
G. L. Pease, W. H. Beard, M. N. Day, C. D. Rhinehart, G. C. Bennett, J. J. 
O'Brien, J. H. Brady, J. D. Lawson, P. V. R. Van Wyck (alternate), R. G. 
McCord, John Collins, George Starr (alternate), George Hilliard, M. Cregan, 
B. Biglin, J. R. Lydecker, J. L. Perley (alternate), W. Dowd, F. Raymond, -I. 

A. Eagleston, B. B. Odell, D. J. Blauvelt, B. P. Carpenter, H. Fish Jr., M. I. 
Townsend, H. G. Burleigh, G. Campbell, A. S. Draper (alternate), John Ham- 
mond, George Chahoon, L. Burrett, H. H. Warner, J. W. Wadsworth, J. D. 
Warren, J. Jewett, George Urban Jr., Lee R. Sanborn; 46. Clayton — A. G. 
McCook, W. H. Robertson, J. W. Husted, Thomas Cornell, D. Ballentine, 
George West, John Kellogg, L. W. Russell, G. A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, A. 
M. Lampher, Hobart Krum, Titus Sheard, C. E. Smith, James Frazee (alter- 
nate), T. C. Piatt, M. DeLano, D. D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, J. W. Dwight, 
W. L. Smith, S. T. Hayt, G. R. Cornwell, E. L. Pitts, N\ M. Allen, F. S. 
Smith; 26. 

North Carolina. Lynch — J. J. Mott, J. H. Harris, J. E. O'Hara, J. B. 
Hill, I. J. Young, J. C. Daney, L. W. Humphrey, J. S. Leary, C. D. Upckurch, 
T. B. Keogh, P. H. Winston Jr., W. W. Jenkins (alternate), E. J. Penny- 
backer, H. C. Cowles, A. S. Richardson, W. S. Pearson, J. B. Eaves; 17. 
Clayton — W. S. Dockey, E. A. White, J. H. Williamson; 3. Absent or not 
voting — L. L. Green, T. J. Candler; 2. 

Ohio. Clayton— Wm. McKinley Jr., W. H. West, A. M. Pratt, J. N. High, 
R. W. McMahon, W. C. Lemert, O. T. Martin, G. M. Eichelberger, T. E. 
Duncan, J. F. Locke, C. L. Luce, J. B. Rice, E. L. Lybarger, C. H. Baltzell, 
M. R. Patterson, C. H. Andrews, W. Monaghan, E. L. Lampson, J. O. Con- 
verse, A. L. Conger, T. D. Loomis, Edwin Cowles, A. C. Hord; 23. Lynch — J. 

B. Foraker, M. A. Hanna, L. A. Staley (alternate), W. B. Smith, C. Fleishman, 
H. L. Morey, M. J. W. Holter, S. Craighead, A. R. Byrkett, J. S. Robinson, 
J. Morris, A. Hart, B. F. Stone (alternate), O. B. Gould, H. S. Bundy, C. D. 
Firestone, C. E. Groce, W. I. Shriver, A. W. Vorhes, H. C. Van Yorhis, E. G. 
Johnson, W. L. Sewell; 22. Absent or not voting — Amor Smith Jr.; 1. 

Oregon. Clayton— Joseph N. Dolph, O. N. Denney, J. M. Swift, W. J. 
McConnell, A. G. Hovey, John T. Apperson; 6. 

Pennsylvania. Clayton — W. E. Littleton (alternate), P. L. Kimberly, J. 
W. Lee, L. Emery Jr., W. H. Jessup, B. F.Fisher, R. Young, R. M. Yardley, 
J. P. Hale Jenkins, S. R. Deppen, F. S. Livengood, E. Reimbold, L. S. Hart- 
man, S. Thomas, W. S. Kirkpatrick, J. Cruikshank, J. C. Brown, H. B. Payne. 
H. M. Boies, Horace Brock, J. H. Wagner, F. F. Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. 
Schieffelin,' C. W. Hill, D. J. Morrell, Edward Scull, John Stewart, B. F. 
Wagonseller (alternate), W. H. Lanius, J. A. Kitzmiller, E. A. Irvin, T. C. 
Thornton, J. K. Ewing, J. E. Sayers, T. M. Bayne, E M. Byers, E. F. Acheson, 
J. W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. Howard, T. C. Cochran, W. H. H. 
Riddle, E. W. Echols, J. Johnson ; 45. Lynch — James McManes, H. H. 
Bingham, W. J Pollock, W. R. Leeds, David H. Lane, H. Hunter, A. Crowe, 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 21 

W. E. Rowan, J. T. Thompson, John Ruhl, J. A. M. Passmore, J. S. Sollen- 
berger, William Flynn; 13. 

Rhode Island. Lynch — Gorham P. Pomeroy, Frank M. Bates, Ellery H. 
Wilson, Daniel G-. Littlefield, William A. Steadnian, John C. Burrington, 
Thomas C. Peckham, Albert L. Chester; 8. 

South Carolina. Lynch — R. Smalls, W. N. Taft, E. M. Brayton, Samuel 
Lee, J. M. Freeman, E. H. Webster, Paris Simpkins, S E. Smith, E. F. 
Blodgett, R. W. Boone, C. M. Wilder, Wilson Cook, C. C. Macoy, E. H. Dibble, 
E. H. Deas, D. T. Corbin, T. B. Johnson, W. H. Thompson; 18. 

Tennessee. Lynch — W. P. Brownlow, L. C. Houck, J. C. Napier, T. F. 
Cassells, John W. Brown, W. C. Chandler, W. C. Chumlea, H. F. Griscom, B. 
W. Burford, John Pruitt, J. C. McAdams (alternate), H L. W. Cheatham, B. 
J. Hadley, A. M. Hughes Jr., R. Harris, S. W. Hawkins, J. C. Watson, M. E. 
Bell, S. A. McElwee, Carter Harris, J. H. Smith; 21. Clayton— A. H. Petti- 
bone, W. M. Ekin; 2. Absent or not voting — F. V. Brown; 1. 

Texas. Lynch— -C. C. Binkley, R. Allen, J. B. Farris, G. W. Burkitt, W, 
Flanagan, A. G. Malloy, F. L. Cleve, J. C. Akers, B. B. Renfro, Nathan Patton, 
J. C. DeGress, H. H. McConnell; 12. Clayton— N. W. Cuney, R. Zapp, R.J. 
Evans, J. D. Davis, J. R. Carter, O. T. Lyon, J. S. Witner, H. C. Ferguson, 
A.J. Rosenthal, Henry Green, C. H. Blont, R. Hanschke; 12. Absent or not 
voting — A. Burge, R. F. Campbell; 2. 

Vermont. Lynch — J. Gregory Smith, Redfield Proctor, Frederick Billings, 
B. D. Harris, A. B. Valentine, Henry Ballard, B. F. Fifield, T. C. Fletcher; 8. 

Virginia. Lynch— W. Mahone, J D. Brady, F. S. Blair, S. M. Yost, W. 
H. Pleasants, A. A. Dodson, Duff Green, H. Libbey, J. Thompson, W. C. 
Elam, J. A. Taylor, W. E. Gaines, A. W. Harris, J. A. Frazier, J. M. Mc- 
Laughlin, L. S. Walker, J. L. Dunn, R. L. Mitchell, T. G. Popham, H. C. 
Wood; 20. Clayton— L. R. Steward, W. E. Sims, Winfield Scott, D. F. 
'Houston; 4. 

West Virginia. Clayton — B. B. Dovener, W. M. O. Dawson, E. L. 
Buttrick, Warren Miller, C. D. Thompson, T. B. Jacobs, A. C. Sherr, L. C. 
Powell, Neil Robinson, J. W. Heavener, B. J. Redmond, M. C. C. Church; 12. 

Wisconsin. Lynch— E. B. Brodhead, T. B. Scott, W. T. Rambush, S. S. 
Barney, F. C. Winkler, E. Sanderson, J. H. Mead, C. E. Estabrook, C. M. 
Butt, O.F. Temple, H. A. Taylor; 11. Clayton— E. W. Keyes, J. Bowman, H. 
A. Cooper, J. W. Sayles, C. Spenseley, A. C. Dodge, A. M. Kimball, G. B. 
Shaw, A. Stewart, O. A. Ellis; 10. Absentor not voting — C. B. Clark; 1. 

Arizona. Clayton — C. Churchill, A. H. Stebbins; 2. 

Dakota. Clayton — N. E. Nelson, J. L. Jolly; 2. 

District op Columbia. Clayton — P. H. Carson; 1. Lynch — F. B. 
Conger; 1. 

Idaho. Lynch— D. P. B. Pride, W. N. Shilling; 2. 

Montana. Clayton — W. F. Saunders ; 1. Lynch — Lee Mantle; 1. 

New Mexico. Lynch — E. Romere, W. H. H. Llewellyn; 2. 

Utah. Clayton— Joseph E. Galigher (alternate), N. Kimball; 2. 

Washington. Lynch — J. L. Wilson; 1 Clayton — Geo. D. Hill; 1. 

Wyoming. Lynch— James France, J. W. Meldrum; 2. 



22 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



RECAPITULATION. 



STATES, ETC. LTNCH. 

Alabama 19 

Arkansas 1 

California _ 

Colorado 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware 1 

Florida 7 

Georgia _ 24 

Illinois 16 

Indiana 10 

Iowa ...„ 3 

Kansas 4 

Kentucky 20 

Louisiana 11 

Maine . 

Maryland ... ... 6 

Massachusetts 24 

Michigan.. _. 12 

Minnesota 6 

Mississippi . . ... 16 

Missouri 14 

Nebraska 2 

Nevada . . 

New Hampshire 8 



CLAYTON 

1 

13 

16 

6 

6 
5 

1 

28 
20 
23 
14 

6 

4 
12 
10 

4 
14 

8 

2 
16 

8 

6 



STATES, ETC. 



LYNCH. CLAYTON. 



New Jersey 9 9 

New York 46 26 

North Carolina 17 3 

Ohio .' 22 23 

Oregon . _ 6 

Pennsylvania 13 45 

Rhode Island 8 

South Carolina 18 

Tennessee 21 2 

Texas 12 12 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 20 4 

West Virginia .... _ _ 12 

Wisconsin. .. 11 10 

Arizona ._ 2 

Dakota ._ .. 2 

District of Columbia . 1 1 

Idaho 2 

Montana 1 1 

New Mexico _ 2 

Utah .. 2 

Washington 1 1 

Wyoming 2 

"424 "384 



The Chairman. Mr. John R. Lynch, having received a majority of the 
votes of this Convention, is declared elected as Temporary Chairman. 

Gen. Clayton. I move to make the election of Mr. Lynch unanimous. 

The motion was carried. 

The Chairman. John R, Lynch is declared the Temporary Chairman of 
this Convention. The Chair will appoint as a committee to escort Mr. Lynch, 
to the platform: Gen. Powell Clayton of Arkansas, Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge 
of Massachusetts, and Mr. Taft of South Carolina. The gentlemen will please 
escort Mr. Lynch to the platform. 

The committee met Mr. Lynch at his seat, and escorted him to the chair. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention : I have the honor and the 
great pleasure to present to you, as Temporary Chairman of this Convention, 
the Hon. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. 

ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

Mr. Lynch, on assuming the chair, addressed the Convention as 

follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I feel that I ought not to say that I thank you 
for the distinguished honor which you have conferred upon me, for I do not. 
Nevertheless, from a standpoint that no patriot should fail to respond to his 
country's call, and that no loyal member of his party should fail to comply with 
the demands of his party, I yield with reluctance to your decision, and assume 
the duties of the position to which you have assigned me. Every member of 
this Convention who approached me upon this subject within the last few 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 23 

hours, knows that this position was neither expected nor desired by me. If, 
therefore, there is any such thing as a man having honors thrust upon him, you 
have an exemplification of it in this instance. 

I wish to say, gentlemen, that I came to this Convention, not so much for 
the purpose of securing the defeat of any man, or the success of any man, as 
for the purpose of contributing to the extent of my vote and my influence to 
make Republican success in November next an assured fact. I hope and be- 
lieve that the assembled wisdom of the Republican party of this Nation, through 
its chosen representatives in this hall, will so shape our policy, and will present 
such candidates before the American people, as will make that victory beyond 
a shadow of a doubt. 

I wish to say, so far as the different candidates for the Presidential nomina- 
tion are concerned, that I do not wish any gentleman to feel that my election 
by your votes is indicative of anything relative to the preference of one candi- 
date over another. I am prepared, and I hope that every member of this Con- 
vention is prepared, to return to his home with an unmistakable determination 
to give the candidates of this Convention a loyal and hearty support, whoever 
they may be. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, I am satisfied in my own mina that when 
we go before the people of this country our action will be ratified, because the 
great part of the American people will never consent for any political party to 
gain the ascendency in this government, whose chief reliance for that support 
is a fraudulent ballot and violence at the polls. I am satisfied that the people 
of this country are too loyal ever to allow a man to be inaugurated President 
of 'the United States, whose title to the position may be brought forth in fraud, 
and whose garments may be saturated with the innocent blood of hundreds 
of his countrymen. I am satisfied that the American people will ratify 
our action, because they will never consent to a revenue system in this 
government, otherwise than that which will not only raise the necessary reve- 
nue for its support, but will also be sufficient to protect every American citizen 
in his occupation. 

Gentlemen, not for myself, but in obedience to custom, I thank you for the 
honor you have conferred upon me. 

FORMATION OF STANDING COMMITTEES. 

Mr. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. I move that the roll of the 
States be called, and the Chairmen of the different delegations respond with the 
members of the Committees on Credentials, Permanent Organization, Rules 
and Order of Business, and Platform and Resolutions. I move that resolution. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from New Jersey moves that the roll be 
called, and that the Chairman of each State delegation announce the names of 
the different persons to serve on the several committees. 

Mr. Leslie W. Russell, of New York. I would suggest to the Chair- 
man that before that motion be put, it is advisable to inquire of the National 
Committee whom they have recommended for Secretaries of this Convention. 
For the present there are none. We ought to have two. It should be the duty 
of the National Committee to recommend some person for that position. 



24 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The Chairman. Pending .the motion of the gentleman from New Jer- 
sey 

REVISION OF APPORTIONMENT OF DELEGATES. 

Mr. Edward L. Pierce, of Massachusetts. I rise to move an amendment. 
The National Committee has considered at different times the subject of a re- 
vision of the apportionment of delegates to the National Convention, and it 
has by common report referred that subject to this Convention as the source of 
all Republican power. I therefore move to add to the committees, one of eight 
members, to be named the "Committee on Revision of the Apportionment of 
Delegates to Future National Conventions, and of Members of the National 
Committee." I move to add that to the list of committees as proposed by the 
gentleman . 

The Chairman. The Chair thinks that would not be in order pending this 
motion. 

Mr. Pierce. I move it as an amendment to the list of committees. 

The Chairman. The Chair thinks it would be in order only after this mo- 
tion is disposed of. 

TEMPORARY SECRETARIES. 

Mr. Russell. I rise to a point of order. This Convention is not organized 
until we have two Secretaries. 

The Chairman. The Chair is informed that the custom heretofore has 
been not to have any Secretaries until they are announced by the different 
delegations. 

Mr. Russell. I will call your attention to the proceedings of the last Con- 
vention. At the close of the speech of the presiding officer, he refers to the 
National Committee having presented the names of two persons for Temporary 
Secretaries of the Convention. Mr. Chairman, I move that Mr. Titus Sheard 
of New York, and Mr. Joseph W. Lee of Pennsylvania, be Secretaries, to act 
until the permanent organization is effected. 

The motion was carried. 

The motion of Mr. Sewell was then put and carried. 

Mr. Roswell G. Horr, of Michigan. Mr. Chairman: I rise to a question 
of order. 

The Chairman. The gentleman will state it. 

ADOPTION OF RULES. 

Mr. Horr. I move that we adopt the rules of the last National Convention 
to guide us until the permanent organization is perfected. 

The motion was carried. 

FORMATION OF COMMITTEES RESUMED. 

The Chairman. The Secretary thinks it would facilitate the business of 
the Convention if the roll of States be called for each Stale separately; if that 
be the sense of the Convention, it will be done in that manner. 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. From my experience in these Conventions, 
I think it quicker and better to have them all given at' once. I know that in 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



25 



the last two or three Conventions the Chairmen would just hand in all the 
names. 

The Chairman. All at once? * 

Mr. Sewell. Yes; and it saves time. 

The Chairman. The Chairmen of the different delegations will give the 
names all at once. The Secretary will call the State of Alabama. 

Mr. George Turner, of Alabama. I would like to ask what is the order 
of the Convention? 

The Chairman. The order of the Convention is, that persons selected to 
serve on the several committees be now announced, beginning with the Com- 
mittee on Credentials. The Chair will suggest that three names be written out 
and sent up to the desk to be read. 

Mr. George V. Massey, of Delaware. I would like to suggest that there 
may be some misunderstanding arising out of the suggestion. The precedent, 
sir, as I understand it, is that as each delegation is called, the Chairman here- 
tofore has announced, from time to time, as the call was made, the name of the 
particular member who is designated to act upon each committee. And if a 
mistake be made, the delegation thus has its attention directed to it, and there 
is an opportunity then to correct it. I apprehend that there might be a possi- 
bility of difficulty arising out of misunderstanding by reason of the chirogra- 
phy of the Chairman; and, therefore, I think we should insist on following the 
precedent already established. 

The Chairman. That is true. The Chair will adhere to it. The Chair- 
men of the different delegations will present all the names at the same time. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call; and the committees 
as reported are as follows: 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 



Alabama Isaac Heyman 

Arkansas. _ Jacob Trieber 

California _ . . David McClure 

Colorado... .William A. Hamill 

Connecticut Eugene S. Boss 

Delaware William J. Stewart 

Florida Dennis Eagan 

Georgia ..John E. Bryant 

Illinois Burton C. Cook 

Indiana Joshua H. Mellett 

Iowa N. M. Hubbard 

Kansas James S. Merritt 

Kentucky John W. Lewis 

Louisiana George Drury 

Maine J. M. Haynes 

Maryland John T. Ensor 

Massachusetts William W. Crapo 

Michigan Edward C. Nichols 

Minnesota Robert B. Langdon 

Mississippi John A. Galbreath 

Missouri Charles G. Burton 

Nebraska William T. Scott 

Nevada _.M. D. Foley 

New Hampshire Joseph B. Clark 



New Jersey J. Frank Fort 

New York Edward H. Hobbs 

North Carolina J. E. O'Hara 

Ohio Mark A. Hanna 

Oregon. O. N. Denney 

Pennsylvania B. F. Fisher 

Pdiode Island Gorham P. Pomroy 

South Carolina E. F. Blodgett 

Tennessee A. M. Hughes, Jr 

Texas Alex. Burge 

Vermont . Henry Ballard 

Virginia James D . Brady 

West Virginia _D. B. Dovener 

Wisconsin J. H. Mead 

Arizona Clark Churchill 

Dakota. . . J. L. Jolly 

District of Columbia. Frank B. Conger 

Idaho D. P. B. Pride 

M ontana . Lee Mantle 

New Mexico W. H. H. Llewellyn 

Utah Joseph E. Galigher 

Washington George D. Hill 

Wyoming James France 



26 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 



Alabama George W. Braxdall 

Arkansas George H. Thompson 

California ..Thomas R. Bard 

Colorado 

Connecticut ... Samuel E. Merwin, Jr. 

Delaware George V. Massey 

Florida H. W. Chandler 

Georgia _ W. W. Brown 

Illinois R. A. Halbert 

Indiana .George B. Williams 

Iowa C. C. T. Mason 

Kansas Joseph W. Ady 

Kentucky George M. Thomas 

Louisiana Henry Demas 

Maine Amos E. Crockett 

Maryland. George L. Wellington 

Massachusetts Carroll Wright 

Michigan ...S. T. Read 

Minnesota O. B. Gould 

Mississippi Thomas Richardson 

Missouri Joseph B. Upton 

Nebraska John H. McCall 

Nevada C. C. Stevenson 

New Hampshire. ..George H. Stowell 



New Jersey Watts Cook 

New York. Henry G. Burleigh 

North Carolina WW. Jenkins 

Ohio Samuel Craighead 

Oregon John M. Swift 

Pennsylvania Wm. R. Leeds 

Rhode Island John C. Burrington 

South Carolina John M. Freeman 

Tennessee- James H. Smith 

Texas H. C. Ferguson 

Vermont _ .Frederick Billings 

Virginia A. Dodson 

West Virginia C. D. Thompson 

Wisconsin F. C. Winkler 

Arizona A. H. Stebbins 

Dakota N. E. Nelson 

District of Columbia .Perry H. Carson 

Idaho... D. P. B. Pride 

Montana Lee Mantle 

New Mexico Eugenie Romere 

Utah Nathan Kimball 

Washington George D. Hill 

Wyoming John W. Meldrum 



COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 



Alabama. C. C. Sheats 

Arkansas Nason W. Benjamin 

California _ Horace Davis 

Colorado S. H. Elbert 

Connecticut John L. Houston 

Delaware Washington Hastings 

Florida. Jesse D. Cole 

Georgia _R. R. Wright 

Illinois Clark E. Can- 
Indiana John H. Baker 

Iowa H. S. Winslow 

Kansas George R. Peck 

Kentucky _ William C. Goodloe 

Louisiana Louis J. Souer 

Maine Andrew P. Wiswell 

Maryland James Wallace 

Massachusetts. .. Henry Cabot Lodge 

Michigan W. A. Underwood 

Minnesota Liberty Hall 

Mississippi J. M. Bynum 

Missouri R. D. Cramer 

Nebraska Nathan S. Harwood 

Nevada.. J. H. Rand 

New Hampshire Frank D. Currier 



New Jersey Wm. Walter Phelps 

New York William Doud 

North Carolina. Elihu A. White 

Ohio Hon. William McKinley, Jr. 

Oregon ..W. J. McConnell 

Pennsylvania W. H. Jessup 

Rhode Island William A. Steadman 

South Carolina C. M. Wilder 

Tennessee S. W. Hawkins 

Texas A. J. Rosenthal 

Vermont Broughton D. Harris 

Virginia W. C. Elan 

West Virginia M. C. C. Church 

Wisconsin Calvin Spenseley 

Arizona A. H. Stebbins 

Dakota J. L. Jolly 

District of Columbia .Perry II. Carson 

Idaho. .Watson N. Shilling 

Montana. Wilbur F. Saunders 

New Mexico. Eugenie Romere 

Utah. .Nathan Kimball 

Washington. ...John L. Wilson 

Wyoming John W. Meldrum 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONTENTION. 



27 



COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 



Alabama H. A. Carson 

Arkansas Lafayette Gregg 

California William H. Parks 

Colorado .Alex Gullitt 

Connecticut Ebenezer J. Hill 

Delaware John H. Hoff ecker 

Florida W. J. Gillbot 

Georgia _.W. D. Moore 

Illinois ..L. C. Collins, Jr. 

Indiana . George G. Reiley 

Iowa _R, S. Benson 

Kansas. C. C. Culp 

Kentucky George Denny 

Louisiana . . _W. B. Merchant 

Maine Josiah H. Drummond 

Maryland Thomas S. Hodson 

Massachusetts .Robert R. Bishop 

Michigan George W. Bell 

Minnesota Thomas H. Armstrong 

Mississippi _W. H. Allen 

Missouri Ira B. Hyde 

Nebraska Charles P. Mathewson 

Nevada J. A. Palmer 

New Hampshire- .Henry B. Atherton 



New Jersey John J. Gardiner 

New York George Chahoon 

North Carolina John S. Leary 

Ohio Alphonso Hart 

Oregon John T. Apperson 

Pennsylvania Thomas M. Bayne 

Rhode" Island Thomas C. Peckham 

South Carolina D. T. Corbin 

Tennessee J. C. Napier 

Texas Richard Allen 

Vermont Redfield Proctor 

Virginia James A. Frazier 

West Virginia Wm. M. O. Dawson 

Wisconsin CM. Butt 

Arizona Clark Churchill 

Dakota Nelson E. Nelson 

District of Columbia .Frank B. Conger 

Idaho D. P. B. Pride 

Montana Wilbur F. Saunders 

New Mexico W. H. H. Llewellyn 

Utah Joseph E. Galigher 

Washington. John L. Wilson 

Wvoming James France 



"When the State of Virginia was called, 

Mr. B. F. Fisher, of Pennsylvania, said: I rise to state that there is a con- 
test in relation to the delegation from the State of Virginia, the papers in which 
contest are now before the Committee on Credentials, or Contested Seats; and I 
move that we postpone the receiving of names of Committeemen from that 
State until action by the Committee on Credentials as to the standing of that 
delegation. 

The Chairman. The Chair can not do otherwise than recognize the list of 
delegates participating in the organization of the Convention until the Conven- 
tion itself shall have decided otherwise. 

After the call of States had been completed, 

Mr. P. H. Carson, of the District of Columbia, said: Mr. Chairman: There 
is a mistake in regard to the District of Columbia. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from the District of Columbia desires to 
make a correction. 

Mr. P. H. Carson. The name of Mr. Conger is placed on there as a member 
of the Committee on Credentials; and I object to it. 

The Chairman. That will have to be decided between Mr. Conger and 
you. The Secretary says that the names of both delegates are signed to the 
report. That will have to be decided between you. 

Mr. P. H. Carson How does the Secretary know ? 

The Chairman. The report is signed by both delegates. If there is any- 
misunderstanding you must settle it between the two delegates. 



28 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. P. H. Carson. There is a misunderstanding. And I don't like to 
see it. 

The Chairman. It is not for the Convention. 

Mr. Geo. Wm. Curtis, of New York. I move that the Convention do now 
adjourn until 1 o-morrow morning. 

Mr. Pierce, of Massachusetts. Will the gentleman withdraw his motion 
for a moment ? I wish to offer a resolution. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts has the floor. 

Mr. Curtis. I withdraw the motion. 

revision of apportionment of delegates. 

Mr. Pierce. The Chair ruled that the motion for the appointment of the 
committees was not amendable. Perhaps it is too late now, and perhaps it is 
unnecessary to have any additional committee on the subject of a new appor- 
tionment, and I make the following motion: That the subject of a revised 
apportionment of delegates to future National Conventions and a revised appor- 
tionment of members of the National Committee be referred to the Committee 
on Rules and Order of Business, with leave to report at any time before the 
ballot for President; and I send that motion to the Chair. 

The Chairman. The Convention will be in order and hear this resolution. 
It is one of considerable importance. 

The Secretary read the resolution as follows : 

Resolved, That the subject of a revised apportionment of delegates to future 
National Conventions, and of a revised apportionment of members of the 
National Committee, be referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of 
Business, with leave to report at any time before the ballot for President. 

Mr. Curtis, of New York. I second that resolution. 
The Chairman. The question is upon the adoption of the resolution. 
Mr. L. C. Houck, of Tennessee. It is a very important matter, and I would 
like to hear the resolution read again. 

The Secretary again read the resolution. 

Mr. Frank B. Conger, of the District of Columbia. I move to strike out 
the words "at any time " so that it will read, "with leave to report before the 
nomination is made." 

The CnAiRMAN. The Chair hears no second to the motion. 

Mr. Houck. I move to lay the whole subject on the table. 

Mr. Thomas M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. For what purpose does the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
rise? 

Mr. Bayne. I want to appeal to my friend from Tennessee [Mr. Houck] to 
withdraw that motion. It is simply to refer a resolution to a committee. No 
action will be taken until the committee shall report. And then, if the report 
of the committee shall be adverse to the view which the gentleman takes on the 
question, he can make any objection he may desire to make. There are many 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 29 

here who would like to have that matter considered; and the resolution ought 
to go to that committee. 

Mr. Houck. I don't want to take any advantage of the gentleman, but I 
want to make just one remark 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that if the gentleman wants to make 
a remark, he must withdraw his motion to lay upon the table. 

Mr. Houck. I can not see any good I can do by making a remark, and 
therefore I ask for a vote on the question. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Tennessee moves to lay the resolu- 
tion of the gentleman from Massachusetts upon the table. 

Mr. HorcK. On reflection I withdraw my motion to lay on the table, and 
let it go. 

The Chairman. The motion to lay upon the table is withdrawn. 

Mr. Pierce. I rise to accept the amendment to leave out the words "at 
any time." 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts modifies his resolution. 

Mr. Conger. He accepts my amendment. 

The Chairman. That is the same thing. The resolution is modified as 
suggested by the gentleman from the District of Columbia [Mr. Conger]. 

Mr. "William Johnson, of California. I move that the resolution be re- 
ferred to the Committee on Resolutions instead of the Committee on Rules and 
Order of Business. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from California moves that the resolu- 
tion, or the subject, be referred to the Committee on Resolutions instead of 
to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. The question is upon that 
motion. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. I will renew the motion to lay the whole sub- 
ject on the table. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Alabama renews the motion 
to lay the resolution and the amendment upon the table. The question 
is now upon the motion to lay upon the table. The question is not de- 
batable. 

Mr. Turner. I ask that the roll of States be now called on that question. 
I desire to have a call of the roll. 

The Chairman. The question is not now up. The vote must first be 
taken vim voce/ and then the gentleman can call for the roll call afterward. 

Mr. Turner. All right. 

The motion to lay upon the table was lost. 

Mr. E. W. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I move that the whole subject be post- 
poned until after the permanent organization of this Convention. 

The Chairman. The motion now is that this resolution be postponed until 
after the permanent organization of the Convention. 

Mr. Pierce. I trust the Convention will not postpone until the permanent 
organization. If this subject is to be considered at all, it should be done at 
once, and not left to a subsequent time. 



30 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Houck. I rise to a question of order. 

The Chairman. State your point of order. 

Mr. Houck. I make the point of order that no such committee as a Com- 
mittee on Rules exists; and it is entirely out of order to refer it to any com- 
mittee until there is a committee to refer it to. 

The Chairman. That question is not now up. The question now is to 
postpone. 

Mr. Houck. The same point of order is applicable. It can lie upon the 
table under the rules. 

The Chairman. The question now pending is to postpone the considera- 
tion of the resolution. 

Mr. Pierce. I have one word to say in relation to the amendment to sub- 
stitute the Committee on Resolutions. That committee is ah overworked com- 
mittee. The Committee on Rules has little more to do than to adopt the rules 
and orders of the last Convention and submit them to us, and have them 
amended; whereas, the Committee on Resolutions will probably have to sit 
for one or two days perhaps, to do the work it now has before it. And I there- 
fore object to the substitution of the Committee on Resolutions for the Com- 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 

Mr. Keyes. What is the question before the Convention? 

The Chairman. The question before the Convention is, that the further 
consideration of this resolution be postponed until after the permanent organi- 
zation of the Convention. 

Mr. Keyes. That is what I thought. 

The motion to postpone was lost. 

The Chairman. The question now is upon the amendment proposed by 
the gentleman from California, to refer this subject to the Committee on Reso- 
lutions instead of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 

A Delegate. I trust that that motion will not prevail. 

The Chairman. The question will first be taken upon the amendment. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. It is not proper to refer it to the Committee 
on Resolutions. It is not properly within the jurisdiction of that committee. 
The Committee on Resolutions is selected for the purpose of setting forth a 
platform of principles, on which the party is to go into the campaign. It is 
properly referable to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, and I 
trust it will go there, and that this matter will receive the candid and honest 
consideration of this Convention. It is a subject that was before the last 
National Committee, and the last National Committee saw the importance of it, 
and was desirous of disposing of it, but found that it had no authority; and it 
postponed the consideration of the matter that it might be referred to the next 
National Convention, meaning thereby this Convention. And it supposed and 
it hoped that this Convention would act upon the question. Now, let it go, 
therefore, to the appropriate committee, and let that committee report according 
to the tenor of the proposition as it was originally offered. 

The Chairman. The question is upon the amendment of the gentleman 
from California. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 31 

Mr. Johnston. With the consent of my second I will withdraw the motion 
to refer it to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The resolution was then adopted. 

Mr. Curtis, of New York. I would inquire, Mr. Chairman, on behalf of 
several of the committees, if the places of meeting of the committees have been 
announced from the Chair. 

The Chairman. The Chair is informed that the arrangement is that these 
different committees remain in the building after the recess is taken, and then 
agree among themselves when and where they will meet. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Chairman : If that is the understanding, I will renew my 
motion for an adjournment until to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Russell, of New York. "Will the gentleman withdraw his motion for 
a moment? 

Mr. Curtis. I withdraw it if the gentleman wishes me to. 

OWNERSHIP OF REALTY BY FOREIGNERS. 

Mr. Russell. I am requested on behalf of the Irish National League to 
ask of this Convention that the Committee on Resolutions be directed to accord 
them a hearing upon the subject of placing a resolution in the platform upon 
the subject of foreigners owning real estate, and not simply a reference to the 
Committee on Resolutions. I therefore ask that the resolution be referred to 
the Committee on Resolutions. - 

The Chairman. Do you introduce a resolution for reference? 

Mr. Russell. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that all resolutions go to the com- 
mittee. If the gentleman has a resolution to introduce, it will be referred. 

Mr. Russell. I wish to offer such a resolution. 

The Chairman. You will have to prepare it. 

Mr. Russell. Shall I send it up in writing? 

The Chairman. Yes, sir. 

MEMORIAL ON PROHIBITION. 

Mr. W. G. Donnan, of Iowa. I hold in my hand a memorial of the women 
of the United States, the Women's Christian Temperance Union: a memorial 
representing twenty-eight States and Territories, asking for a prohibitory 
amendment to the National Constitution. The memorial is brief, and I ask 
that it be read at the Secretaries' desk — it will not occupy to exceed three 
minutes — and have it then referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Iowa asks that the memorial pre- 
sented by him, which he says is brief, be read from the Clerk's desk and 
referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. David McClure, of California. I move that the memorial be referred 
to the Committee on Resolutions without being read. 

Mr. Donnan. It is a very small courtesy, which it seems to me is due to 
the noble women of America who are engaged in this cause. I ask this Con- 
vention to delay three minutes to hear that memorial read. 



32 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The Chairman. The question is upon the motion of the gentleman from 
California. 

Mr. Horr, of Michigan. Mr. Chairman: If we commence reading resolu- 
tions 

Mr. McCltjre. I withdraw my motion. We have no time to debate such 
matters. 

Mr. Horr [continuing]. I am going to make a motion that all resolutions 
be referred, without reading, to the committee. And I would further suggest 
to the Chair that the rules which we adopted at my instance — we adopted the 
rules of the last Convention; and under those rules all resolutions must be 
referred, without reading and without debate, to the Committee on Resolutions; 
and until you change that order or that ruling, no other order is in order. 
[Cries of "Read the memorial."] . 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that he is of the opinion that the 
point made by the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Horr] is well taken. The Chair 
thinks that is embraced in the rule, and therefore it would require a suspension 
of the rules or unanimous consent to have any resolution or memorial read. 
The gentleman from Iowa, the Chair understands, asks that this memorial be 
read. 

Mr. Donnan. I ask that it be read. I ask for no debate. This is a 
memorial, not a resolution. There is nothing in conflict with the order of this 
Convention, or its rules of proceeding, in having it read. 

The Chairman. The gentleman asks unanimous consent that this memo- 
rial, which he says is very brief, be read for the information of the Convention. 

A Voice. I object. 

The Chairman. Objection is made. 

Mr. E. L. Lampson, of Ohio. I move that the rules be suspended and the 
memorial read. 

Mr. John I. Gilbert, of New York. I rise to a point of order. I under- 
stand that the rule under which the ruling of the Chair was made reads as 
follows: "All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions without debate." It does not touch the point of reading; 
the rule does not exclude the reading; and I certainly hope that three minutes 
will be accorded to the reading of this resolution or memorial. 

The Chairman. Does the gentleman read from the rules of the Convention? 

Mr. Gilbert. I read from the printed copy of 1880. 

The Chairman. What is the page of il? 

Mr. Gilbert.' On page 152; the last rule. 

The Chairman. The Chair is of the opinion that under the language of 
the rule the reading is not excluded. The Secretary will read. 

The Secretary read the memorial as follows : 

"To the National Convention op the Republican Party-. We, 
members of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of the United Stales, 
herein represented by the signatures of our officers, believing that while the 
poison habits of the Nation can be largely restrained by an appeal to the intel- 
lect through argument, to the heart through sympathy, to the conscience 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 33 

through the motives of religion, the traffic in those poisons will be best con- 
trolled by prohibitory laws. We believe the teachings of science, experience 
and the Golden Rule, combine to testify against the traffic in alcoholic liquors 
as a drink, and that the homes of America, which are the citadels of patriotism, 
purity and happiness, have no enemy so relentless as the American saloon. 

" Therefore, as citizens of the United States, irrespective of sect, or religion, 
or section, but having deeply at heart the protection of our homes, we do hereby 
respectfully and earnestly petition you to advocate and to adopt such measures 
as are requisite to the end that prohibition of the importation and exportation, 
manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages, may become an integral part of 
the National Constitution, and that our party candidate shall be by character 
and public pledge committed to a National prohibitory constitutional amend- 
ment. " 

The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I move the Convention do now adjourn 
until to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock. At the suggestion of several gentlemen 
I move that we take a recess until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock. 

OWNERSHIP OF REALTY BY FOREIGNERS. 

The Chairman. The gentleman in front of the Chair [Mr. Russell, of New 
York] was recognized a few minutes ago to introduce a resolution which he 
had not then reduced to writing. He has now written it out, and it is ready 
for the Secretary. 

The resolution was as follows : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Resolutions be, and they are hereby directed, 
to give a hearing to a committee appointed by the Irish National League of 
America to present a memorial to the Convention on the subject of the owner- 
ship of realty in the United States by foreigners. 

The Chairman. The resolution will be referred to the committee. 

Mr. Bayne. Now I renew my motion to take a recess. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that the Conven- 
tion do now take a recess. 

Mr. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois. I desire, before the motion to adjourn 
is put, to make a statement to the Convention, if the gentleman from Pennsyl- 
vania will yield. 

Mr. Bayne. I yield. 

Mr. Cullom. In the call of the States for the votes of the different dele- 
gates on the question of the election of Temporary Chairman, Mr. Cook, one 
of my colleagues, was called, and the alternate voted in his name without his 
own name being called. Mr. Cook is now present, and if he had been in his 
place when the roll was called, would have voted for the gentleman from Ar- 
kansas, instead of the present Temporary Chairman of the Convention. 

The Chairman. If there is no objection the correction will be made. 

Mr. Bayne. I now renew my motion. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that the Con- 
vention take a recess until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock. The question is 
upon that motion. 
3 



34 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The question was put and carried, and the Convention took a 
recess until 11 o'clock a. m., June 4, 1884. 



SECOND DAY. 

Wednesday, June 4, 1884. 

The Temporary Chairman called the Convention to order at eight- 
een minutes past eleven o'clock, and said : 

"The Convention will now be opened with prayer by the Rev. John H. 
Barrows, of this city." 

PRAYER BY REV. JOHN H. BARROWS. 

Let vs unite in prayer. Lord, Thou hast been our dwelling-place in all 
generations. We bless Thee, God of our fathers, that Thou hast dealt so gra- 
ciously with this American people; that a Nation conceived in liberty and dedi- 
cated to the sublime truth that all men are created equal, has endured to this 
hour. We praise Thee that Thou hast delivered us from dismemberment and 
shameful overthrow. We magnify Thy name, O King of kings and Ruler of 
mankind, that institutions founded upon the precepts of the New Testament, 
and in which there is so much of the life-blood of Jesus Christ, have survived 
the shocks of war and the wastings of time and corruption. 

And we thank Thee for the vast moral and political changes indicated by the 
presence here of him who now so worthily presides over this Convention. We 
thank Thee, O God, for every service to the cause of human rights, of good 
government and of popular education, rendered by the political organization 
whose representatives are assembled here at this time. We thank Thee for the 
names of Lincoln and Lovejoy, of Sumner and Garfield — names which have 
been given to the imperishable galaxy of history; names associated forever with 
triumphs of humanity. And we pray Thee, O God, that the men of to-day may 
be equally faithful to duty; that they may be equally loyal to the new duties 
which new occasions ever teach. May the leaven of unrighteousness, wherever 
it lurks, be cast out utterly. 

God grant that among the people North and South, and East and West. 
there may not only be a deepening sentiment of Nationality, but also a growing 
enlightenment, a more vigorous conscience, and a strengthened purpose that 
iniquity and folly shall not be enacted into law. 

God bless and perpetuate the Union of these American States, to which Thou 
hast given at last the impregnable defense of freedom and of justice. 

And we pray Thee, O Lord, that the spirit of-wisdom and of fraternity may 
prevail in all the deliberations of this great Convention, overruling differences 
and divisions, for our National welfare. And ma)' Thy favor which is life, and 
Thy loving kindness which is better than life, abide with him who now pre- 
sides over this body; and wilt Thou bless the race and the commonwealth and 
the cause which he represents. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 35 

And we pray Thee, O God, that when this Convention is dissolved, it may- 
have presented to the suffrages of the Nation, for the highest office in the peo- 
ple's gift, a candidate who in personal character, in devotion to duty, in loyalty 
to American institutions, in courage, experience and wisdom, shall worthily 
succeed to the chair of Washington, and thus help the Nation to become, not 
only more prosperous and just and peaceful, but also to be an inspiration and a 
blessing to the struggling peoples of mankind. And to Thy name shall be all 
praise. Amen. 

The Chairman. What is the pleasure of the Convention? 

TEMPERANCE MEMORIAL. 

Mr. James A. Gary, of Maryland. I desire to present to this Convention 
a memorial from the Maryland State Temperance Alliance. And it is exceed- 
ingly brief — will not occupy more than a minute and a half — I ask consent that 
it may be read, and referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. The memorial will be read by the Secretary. 

The Secretary read the memorial as follows : 

" The undersigned, the President and Secretary of the Maryland State Tem- 
perance Alliance, as well as the Central Executive Committee thereof, do hereby 
certify that the following resolutions were passed by the Ceniral Executive 
Committee of the Maryland State Temperance Alliance at a regular meeting held 
the 6th of May. 1884." 

Mr A. J. Rosenthal, of Texas. I move that the memorial be referred 
to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. The Secretary is not through reading it yet, and will 
proceed. 

The Secretary proceeded : 

"Resolved, By the Central Executive Committee of the Maryland State Tem- 
perance Alliance, acting under the advice and by the authority of the Maryland 
State Temperance Alliance, and which latter being the representative of the 
temperance organizations, churches, schools and all moral and reform associa- 
tions of the State, that we do hereby earnestly appeal to the Republican and 
Democratic Conventions that will nominate candidates for President of the 
United States in the present year of 1884, to adopt an article in their platform 
of principles distinctly recognizing the right and policy of the people to sup- 
press or prohibit bylaw the liquor traffic, and to nominate candidates in accord 
with this declaration. 

"Resolved, That the President and Secretary of this Executive Committee be 
directed to certify and forward the above resolution, together with a copy of 
the resolution recently adopted by the late convention of" the Maryland State 
Temperance Alliance in relation to the same subject matter, to each of these 
nominating conventions or to the presiding officers thereof. 

"And we do hereby further certify that the following resolution was passed 
by the late annual meeting of the Maryland State Temperance Alliance in con- 
vention assembled on the 17th day of April, 1884, every county of this State 
being duly represented, excepting one, therein. 

"Resolved, That the question of the suppression of the liquor traffic has 
become one of such vital political importance to the Nation as to justify the 
prohibitionists of both the Democratic and Republican parties in requiring of 
them, at their next nominating Conventions for President and Vice-President of 



36 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

the United States, to distinctly and positively recognize this question in their 
respective platforms, and to nominate candidates who are in accord therewith; 
and if both parties shall do so we will not make the question a political one in 
this Presidential campaign; and if either party shall distinctly do so, and the 
other refuse or decline, we will cast our suffrages for the party thus favoring 
this question in preference to the one refusing, regardless of our political 
affiliations." 

The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

PRESIDENTIAL TERM OF OFFICE. 

Mr. Geo. V. Massey, of Delaware. I hold in my hand, sir, a resolution, 
which on behalf and by direction of the unanimous sentiment of my delegation, 
I am instructed to present to this Convention. I ask permission to send it to 
the Secretary's table to be read, and then desire to submit a motion for its 
adoption. 

The Chairman. The resolution will be read by the Secretary. The Secre- 
tary will read. 

The resolution was read by the Secretary as follows : 

Whereas. The propriety of the adoption of such an amendment to the 
Federal Constitution as will enlarge the term of office of the President of the 
United States to six years, and render the incumbent of that office ineligible to 
re-election, is a subject well worthy of the consideration of this Convention, in 
order that the possibilities of an abuse or misuse of the public patronage may 
be avoided; therefore, 

Resolved, That the subject be referred to the Committee on Resolutions 
to the end that it may be duly considered and a suitable deliverance made on 
that behalf. 

Mr. Massey. I now move its adoption, sir. 

The Chairman. The motion is not in order. The resolution will be 
referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

LAND OWNERSHIP. 

Mr. Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas. I offer the following resolution: 
The Chairman. The Senator will send up his resolution. The resolution 
will be read as offered by the gentle m an from Kansas. 

The Secretary read the resolution as follows: 

Resolved, That American land should belong alone to those willing to assume 
the duties and responsibilities of American citizenship. The best interests of 
the Republic are with those who are bound to it by the ties of ownership and 
possession of the soil. The system of tenant-farming and absent landlordism, 
which has disturbed Ireland and destroyed the peace of Europe, is opposed to 
the doctrines of the fathers, and has no place in the policy of a Republic. 

Mr. Plumb. I move it to be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 
The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 
Mr. S. W. Hawkins, of Tennessee. I send a resolution to the Secretary's 
desk which I ask to be read; and I move that the rules be suspended and the 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 37 

resolution passed, because it is a resolution pledging the support of this Con- 
vention to its nominee, whoever he may be. 

PLEDGING MEMBERS TO SUPPORT THE NOMINEE. 

The Chairman. The Secretary will read the resolution. 

The Secretary read the resolution, which was as follows : 

Resolved, As the sense of this Convention, that every member of it is bound 
in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be ; and that no 
man should hold a seat here who is not ready to so agree. 

Mr. Hawkins. I move that the rules be suspended, and that this resolution 
be passed. I ask for a vote by States upon that. 

Mr. Pierce, of Massachusetts. I trust that that resolution will not pass. I 
have come to this Convention, as I believe every member has come, expecting 
in good faith to support its nominee, and believing that this Convention will 
nominate no man who will not command the universal support of the members 
of this Convention, and of the Republican party of the United States. That 
resolution has had in the past a bad paternity — brought here never when 
Lincoln was nominated; brought here only by a delegate from New York — 
Mr. Conkling, the late Mr. Conkling. I trust this Convention will not bind its 
conscience by a mere perfunctory pledge like that. 

Mr. F. C. Winkler, of Wisconsin. I take it that our presence here is an 
assertion in itself on the part of every one of us that we propose to support the 
nominee of the Convention; and that it needs no resolution in order to enforce 
that assertion; and it is for that reason that I am opposed to adopting any reso- 
lution upon that subject. 

Mr. Hawkins. In offering that resolution, I do it in good faith, and I trust 
that there is no delegate here that is not willing and ready to subscribe to that 
resolution; and if there be here a delegate who is not willing and ready to sub- 
scribe to that resolution; if there be here a delegate who is not willing to sup- 
port the nominee of this Convention, he surely ought not to participate in the 
deliberations of this Convention, I don't care where he comes from. I know 
of no harm that can come to a man who is here for the purpose of participating 
in making this nomination — I know of no harm that can come to him for 
indorsing that resolution and being willing to stand by the nominee of this 
Convention. I have heard whispers in the air as to the course of some gentle- 
men. I don't believe that they are true; but for the purpose of showing to the 
world that the Republican party stands here to-day, united and determined to 
support the nominee of this Convention, I introduced that resolution and moved 
its adoption. 

Mr. George A. Knight, of California. I hope that that resolution will 
pass. No honest Republican, no man having the good of the great Republican 
party at heart, should dare to stand on the floor of this Convention and vote 
down that resolution. There are already whisperings in the air, of men high 
in the Republican party, or that once stood high in the Republican party, openly 
and avowedly declaring that they will not support one man if he be nominated 
by this Convention — a Convention of the most intelligent men of this Nation. 



38 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

That kind of men we want to know, and the sooner they are out of the Repub- 
lican party the better for the party. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, no more enthusiastic people are under the 
shadow of the American flag than those of the section that I come from. No 
more enthusiastic people for their candidate can be found in this Convention; 
but if he should not be the choice, I believe we would be false to every prin- 
ciple of the Republican party, we would be false to the constituency which we 
represent, we would be false to ourselves, if we did not abide by the nominee 
of this party of intelligence. Tell me one reason that can be urged why the 
members of this Convention, selected alone for their intelligence, their patriot- 
ism and their zeal in behalf of the Republican party, should not support the 
nominee of this Convention. None can be given. 

Therefore, gentlemen of the Convention, I hope, and I insist for the section 
of the country that we come from, that this resolution will be adopted; and 
that the nominee of this Convention, whoever he may be, will have the hearty 
support and the votes of the Convention; and let all those, be they editors of 
newspapers or conducting great periodical journals, who refuse to support the 
nominee, let them be branded, that they not only come here and violate the 
implied faith that was put in them, but the direct and honest convictions of 
this Convention, expressed by a direct vote upon the subject. 

Mr. George "William Curtis, of New York. A Republican and a free 
man I came into this Convention. By the grace of God, a Republican and a 
free man will I go out of this Convention. Twenty-four years ago I was here 
in Chicago. Twenty-four years ago I took part with the men of this country 
who nominated the man who bears the most illustrious name in the Republican 
party; and the brightest ray in whose halo of glory and immortality is that he 
was the great emancipator. In that Convention, sir, a resolution was offered 
in amendment of the platform. It introduced into that platform certain words 
from the Declaration of Independence. That amendment was voted down in 
that Convention, and Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, rose from his seat and was 
passing out of the Convention. As he went he passed by my chair, and I 
reached out my hand — I was well nigh a boy, and unknown to him. I said, 
" Sir, where are you going? " He said to me, " Young man, I am going out of 
this Convention, for I find there is no place in a Republican Convention for an 
original anti-slavery man like me." 

Well, gentlemen, he yielded to persuasion and took his seat; and before that 
Convention proceeded to its nomination, by a universal roar of assent, the 
Republican party there assembled declared, without one word of doubt or 
dissent, that no sound should ever be heard in a Republican Convention that 
in the slightest degree reflected upon the honor or upon the loyalty of the men 
who took part in that Convention. 

The gentleman last upon the floor says that he dares any man upon this 
floor to vote against that resolution. I say to him, in reply, that the presentation 
of such a resolution in such a Convention as this is a stigma, is an insult, to 
every honorable member who sits here 

Ah, Mr. Chairman, this question is not a new question. In precisely, if I 
do not mistake, the same terms in which this is couched, it was brought into 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 39 

the last Republican Convention. And a man from West Virginia — I honor his 
name — that man said in the face of the roar of the gallery; in the face of all 
dissent — Mr. Campbell, of West Virginia — said: "Hold! I am a Republican 
who carries his sovereignty under his own hat." 

Now, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Campbell's position in that Convention, the wise 
reflection and the afterthought of the Republican Convention of 1880, under 
the lead of that great and immortal leader, whose face confronts us there — 
James A. Garfield, of Ohio — under the lead of Garfield, I remind my friend 
from California, the Convention in taking its action, induced the gentleman 
who presented the resolution to withdraw the resolution from the consideration 
of the Convention. 

Now, sir, in the light of the character of the Republican party, in the light 
of the action of the last Republican Convention, the first Convention which I 
have known in which such a pledge was required of candidates or the members, 
I ask this Convention — mindful of all that hangs upon the wisdom, the modera- 
tion, the tolerance, the patriotism of our action — I beg this Convention to re- 
member Lincoln, to remember Garfield, to remember the very vital principles 
of the Republican party, and assume that every man here is an honest and an 
honorable man; and vote down this resolution, which should never have ap- 
peared in a Republican Convention, as unworthy to be ratified by this con- 
course of free men that I see before me. 

Mr. Francis B. Posey, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. For or against the resolution? The Chair will state that 
under the rules of the Convention 

Mr. Posey. Against the resolution. 

The Chairman. The rules of the House of Representatives have been 
adopted for the government, as far as applicable, of this Convention. Under 
the rules of the House, or, at any rate, under its usage and custom, speeches 
are allowed to be made alternately for and against a proposition. That is why 
the Chair asked which side the gentleman was upon. 

Mr. Posey. I desire to say a few words against the resolution. 

The Chairman. Then the Chair would be obliged to recognize somebody 
who would like to speak on the other side, if any gentleman desires. 

Mr. Hawkins. Please have the resolution read again. 

The Chairman. The Secretary will again read the resolution. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

Resolved, As the sense of this Convention, that every member of it is bound 
in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and that no 
man should hold a seat here who is not willing to so agree. 

Mr. Joseph N. Dolph, of Oregon. I move to lay the resolution on the 
table. I think it is ill-timed and injudicious. 

The motion was seconded from several parts of the house. 

Mr. Hawkins, of Tennessee. Before the vote on that resolution shall be 
taken I wish lo withdraw it; it was voted for in the last Convention by Chester 



40 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

A. Arthur and James A. Garfield. If this Convention does not want to be 
pledged to it, I withdraw it. t 

The Chairman. The resolution is withdrawn. 

REPRESENTATION IN DISTRICT CONVENTION. 

Mr. J. K. Ewing, of Pennsylvania. I desire to offer a resolution; and I 
wish first to explain it. 

The Chairman. The gentleman will send up his resolution. 

Mr. McClure, of California. I desire to make a partial report from the 
Committee on Credentials, so that we may go back to our work. 

The Chairman. The Chair will recognize the gentleman for that purpose, 
as soon as the resolution is read. 

Mr. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I call for the report of the Committee on Rules 
and Order of Business. 

The Chairman. As soon as this is disposed of. The Secretary will read 
the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

The Secretary then read the following : 

Resolved, That hereafter in the selection by District Conventions of delegates 
to Republican National Conventions, the basis of representation of the several 
counties, parts of counties, or wards, comprising the Congressional district, 
shall be the same as that which at that time prevails in each district respectively 
for the nomination of Republican candidates for members of Congress; and 
wherever a majority of the counties or subdivisions containing not less than 
one-half of the population of the district shall regularly unite in the call and 
conduct of the Convention, the action thereof shall be valid. 

Mr. Ewing. I move that the rules be suspended and that resolution 
adopted. The resolution provides an amendment to the present rule. The rule 
heretofore prevailing is somewhat vague and indefinite. I therefore move that 
the rules be suspended and that the resolution be adopted. 

The Chairman. The Chair sees that this subject has already been referred 
to a committee; and the Chair thinks that this is proper to be referred in con- 
nection with the same matter. 

Mr. Alphonso Hart, of Ohio. I move that it be referred to the Com- 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The Chairman. It will be so referred. 

Mr. McClure, of California. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. Does the gentleman rise to make a report from a com- 
mittee? 

Mr. McClure. I am instructed by the Committee on Credentials to report 
progress; and to say that we hope to be able to make a complete report early 
this afternoon or early in the evening. 

CONSTITUTIONAL PROHIBITION AMENDMENT. 

Mr. Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. I am directed to present 
this preamble and resolution, and I would like to have them read. 
The Chairman. The Secretary will read the resolution. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



41 



The Secretary read the following : 

Whereas, The evils of the traffic in alcoholic beverages are great and gen- 
eral; and, in the belief of many of the people, are such as to require a change 
in the Constitution of the United States in order that by the co-operation of 
State and National legislation, there may be a more efficient exercise of the 
right of society to control that traffic and to remove the evils thereof; and 

Whereas, It is essential to the growth of Republican institutions, and the 
preservation of constitutional liberty, that the right of the people to amend the 
fundamental law should be fully exercised; therefore, 

Resolved, That this Convention recommends the submission by Congress to 
the legislatures of the States of a joint resolution proposing an amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States providing for the prohibition of the traffic 
in alcoholic beverages, that the same may be adopted or rejected according to 
the will of the people. 

The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. The 
Chair is informed that the Committee on Permanent Organization are ready to 
make their report. The report of the Committee on Permanent Organization 
will now be received. 



REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. George B. Williams, of Indiana, the Chairman of the Committee 
on Permanent Organization. Mr. Chairman : I am directed by the Committee 
on Permanent Organization to report the name of Gen. John B. Henderson, of 
Missouri, for Permanent President. I will place the list of Vice Presidents 
and Assistant Secretaries in the hands of the Reading Clerks for the purpose 
of being read. 

The Chairman. The committee reports the name of Gen. John B. Hen- 
derson, of Missouri, as Permanent President of the Convention, and the other 
officers as agreed upon by the State delegations. The Chair thinks it is not 
necessary to read them. 

The remainder of the report, including the names of the Vice- 
Presidents and Secretaries, was as follows : 

Secretary — Hon. Charles W. Clisbee, of Michigan. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS . 



Alabama Paul Strobach 

Arkansas Samuel H. Holland 

California William Johnston 

Colorado D. F. Crowell 

Connecticut Frederick Miles 

Delaware -John Pilling 

Florida i ..John G Long 

Georgia W. A. Pledger 

Illinois. _ John I. Rinaker 

Indiana James C. Veatch 

Iowa T. M. C. Logan 

Kansas John G. Woods 

Kentucky l.W. L. Hazslip 

Louisiana. R. F. Guichard 

Maine Joseph R. Bodwe] 1 



Maryland J. McPherson Scott 

Massachusetts William W. Rice 

Michigan George W. Webber 

Minnesota Aiphonso Barto 

Mississippi .. _R. F. Beck 

Missouri B. M. Prentiss 

Nebraska. ... Eugene L. Reed 

Nevada S. L. Lee 

New Hampshire ..Charles H. Sawyer 

New Jersey . . John I. Blair 

New York Thomas Cornell 

North Carolina Thomas B. Keogh 

Ohio Edwin Cowles 

Oregon ... . Joseph N. Dolph 

Pennsylvania Hamilton Disston 



42 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



vice-presidents — continued. 



Rhode Island Daniel G. Littlefield 

South Carolina Samuel Lee 

Tennessee A. H. Pettibone 

Texas N. W. Cuney 

Vermont Alonzo B. Valentine 

Virginia . . . L. S. Walker 

West Virginia E. L. Buttrick 

Wisconsin E. B. Brodhead 

Arizona - - L. H. Goodrich 



Dakota J. L. Jolly 

Idaho W.N. Shilling 

Montana Lee Mantle 

New Mexico Eugenie Romere 

Utah _ Nathan Kimball 

Washington John L. Wilson 

Wyoming . . James France 

Dist. of Columbia.. .Per rv H. Carson 



ASSISTANT SECRETARIES. 



Alabama J. C. Duke 

Arkansas A. A. Tufts 

California George W. Schell 

Colorado . . A. L. Emigh 

Connecticut Luzerne I. Munson 

Delaware Daniel J. Layton 

Florida A. C. Lightborne 



Illinois Charles T. Stratton 

Indiana Eugene G. Hay 

Iowa Calvin Manning 

Kansas J. S. McDowell 

Kentucky R. A. Buckner, Jr. 

Louisiana Clifford Morgan 

Maine Austin Harris 

Maryland William Coath 

Massachusetts... Edward H. Haskell 

Michigan S. C. Moffatt 

Minnesota C. H. Graves 

Mississippi W. H. Kennon 

Missouri O. C. Hill 

Nebraska. -George W. Burton 

Nevada. C. S. Young 

New Hampshire Frank D. Currier 



New Jersey Thomas B. Harned 

New York Titus Sheard 

North Carolina. .Charles D. Upchurch 

Ohio Clarence Brown 

Oregon _ _ A. G. Hovey 

Pennsylvania H. H. Bingham 

Rhode Island Albert L. Chester 

South Carolina S. E. Smith 

Tennessee H. F. Griscom 

Texas R. J. Evans 

Vermont Truman C. Fletcher 

Virginia R. L. Mitchell 

West Virginia T. B. Jacobs 

Wisconsin George B. Shaw 

Arizona A. H. Stebbins 

Dakota Nelson E. Nelson 

Idaho D. P. B. Pride 

Montana Wilbur F. Saunders 

New Mexico W. H. H. Llewellyn 

Utah Joseph E. Galigher 

Washington George D. Hill 

Wyoming J. W. Meldrum 

Dist. of Columbia. -.Frank B. Conner 



All of which is respectfully submitted. 



GEORGE B. WILLIAMS, 

Chairman. 



Mr. John D. Lawson, of New York. Is it in order, before the settlement, 
of the contested seats, to elect a permanent President ? 

The Chairman. That is a matter within the discretion of the Convention. 

Mr. Lawson. I raise that point of order. 

The Chairman. The Chair thinks that that is a matter within the discre- 
tion of the Convention. It seems that is what was done four years ago. 

Mr. Robert Smalls, of South Carolina. I would like to ask a question. 
Can we elect a President before the Committee on Credentials have reported 
and we know who are the members of this Convention? 

The Chairman. That is for the Convention to decide. It is what was 
done four 3 r ears ago. 

Mr. George B. Williams, of Indiana. I move that we adopt the report, 
of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 43 

The Chairman. It is moved that the report of the Committee on Perma- 
nent Organization be received and agreed to. 

The motion was carried. 

The Chairman. The Chair will appoint, as the committee to conduct the 
Permanent President of this Convention to the stand, the Hons. G. A. Grow of 
Pennsylvania, George F. Hoar of Massachusetts, and George B. Williams of 
Indiana. 

The committee conducted the Permanent President to the plat- 
form, and the Temporary Chairman introduced him to the Conven- 
tion in the following words : 

"Gentlemen of .lie Convention : I take pleasure in introducing to you your 
Permanent President, the Hon. John B. Henderson." 

ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT. 

Gentlemen of the Convention : We have assembled on this occasion to survey 
the past history of the party, to rejoice as we may because of the good it has 
done; to correct its errors, if errors there be; to discover, if possible the wants 
of the present, and with patriotic firmness provide for the future. 

Gentlemen, our past history is the Union preserved, slavery abolished, and 
its former victims equally and honorably by our sides in this Convention; the 
public faith maintained; unbounded credit at home and abroad; a currency 
convertible into coin, and the pulses of industry throbbing with renewed health 
and vigor in every section of a prosperous and peaceful country. These are 
the fruits of triumphs over adverse policies, gained in the military and civil con- 
flicts of the last twenty-four years. Out of these conflicts has come a race of 
heroes and statesmen challenging confidence and love at home and respect and 
admiration abroad. 

And when we now come to select a standard-bearer for the approaching 
contest, our embarrassment is not in the want but in the multiplicity of Presi- 
dential material. New York has her true and tried statesman, upon whose 
administration the fierce and even unfriendly light of public scrutiny has been 
turned, and the universal verdict is: " Well done, thou good and faithful serv- 
ant." Vermont has her great statesman, whose mind is as clear as the crys- 
tal springs of his native State, and whorse virtue is as firm as its granite 
hills. Ohio can come with a name whose history is but the history of the 
Republican party. Illinois can come with a man who never failed in the 
discharge of public duty, whether in the council chamber or upon the field of 
battle. Maine has her favorite, whose splendid abilities and personal qualities 
have endeared him to the hearts of his friends, and the brilliancy of whose 
genius challenges the admiration of mankind. Connecticut and Indiana also 
come with names scarcely less illustrious than any of these. 

And now, gentlemen, in conclusion, if because of personal disagreements 
amongst us, or the emergencies of the occasion, another name is sought, there 
yet remains that grand old hero of Kenesaw Mountain and Atlanta. When 



44 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

patriotism calls, he can not, if he would, be silent; but grasping that banner, to 
him so dear, which he has already borne in triumph upon many a bloody field, 
he would march to a civic victory no less renowned than those of war. 

Gentlemen, I thank you for this distinguished mark of your confidence, and 
will discharge the duties imposed at least with impartiality. 

PRESENTATION OF A GAVEL. 

The Secretary. I am requested to read the following : 
To the President of the Republican National Convention — Dear 
Sir : We have the pleasure no less than the honor of presenting to you a gavel 
which is made of wood from every State and Territory in the Union, including 
Alaska, and the handle of it is from the old Charter Oak tree of Hartford, Conn. 
The gavel is a solid unit, and through it the States speak with one voice. If 
the delegates from all the States and Territories from which this gavel comes, 
will act in a manner equally united, the best interests of the country will be 
subserved. Respectfully, A. H. ANDREWS & CO. 

The President. An omen, no doubt, gentlemen, of our success in Novem- 
ber next, a Union of the States once more. What is now the pleasure of 
the Convention? 

Mr. A. H. Stebbins, of Arizona. I have a resolution which I wish to have 
read and referred. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. I move that the present of that gavel be 
accepted, and that the thanks of this Convention be tendered to those present- 
ing it. 

The motion was carried. 

appointments to offices in territories. 
The Secretary then read the following resolution, offered by Mr. 
Stebbins, of Arizona: 

Resolved, That appointments to office in the Territories by the President 
ought to be made from the bona-fide residents of the Territories, and in accord- 
ance with the wishes of the people thereof. 

The President. The resolution of the gentleman from Arizona will go to 
the Committee on Resolutions, as a matter of course. 

A department of agriculture. 

Mr. Wm. Johnston, of California. I have a resolution which I will read 
and ask to have it referred. 

The President. The gentleman will send it up to the Clerk. 

The Secretary. Mr. Johnston, of California, offers the following resolu- 
tion: 

In behalf of those who represent the great and fundamental indusUy of our 
country we demand that agriculture shall have a special representative in the 
President's Cabinet, therefore be it 

Resolved, That the Commissioner of Agriculture be made a Cabinet officer. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 45 

The President. The resolution will go to the Committee on Resolutions, 
as a matter of course. 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. I would ask for information, if the Com- 
mittee on Rules are ready to report. 

The Secretary. We have an announcement here to read, that the Com- 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business are requested to meet in ante-room No. 
1, immediately after the adjournment of this session. 

Mr. Sewell. Then I move that this Convention take a recess until 7 o'clock 
this evening. 

The President. Is that motion seconded? 

A Delegate. I second it. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that this Convention 
now take a recess until 7 o'clock this evening. 

FEMALE SUFFRAGE. 

Mr. Geo. F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. Will the gentleman withdraw that 
motion while I send up a resolution to be referred ? 
Mr. Sewell. Yes. 
The President. It will be sent to the desk. 

The Secretary read the resolution as follows: 

Whereas, The women of this country are citizens, producers and tax- 
payers, and are amenable to all the laws of the land, civil and criminal, which 
they thus far have had no part in making; therefore 

Resolved, That we favor the right of the women of the country to vote. 

The President. The resolution will go to the Committee on Resolutions 
as a matter of course. 

The motion of Mr. Sewell was then agreed to, and the Conven- 
tion took a recess till 7 o'clock. 

EVENING SESSION. 
The Convention was called to order by the President at 7:35 p. m. 

The President. There is a communication in the hands of the Secretary 
from the Committee on Credentials, which will be read. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

To the President op the National Republican Convention — Sir: 
The Committee on Credentials have the honor to notify the Convention that, as 
important business is occupying the time of the committee, the committee will 
not be able to report to the Convention this evening. (Signed by the Chairman.) 

Mr. Curtis, of New York. I hold in my hand a resolution of the American 
Peace Union which I ask to have referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The President. The resolution will be so referred. 

TICKETS OF ADMISSION TO VETERANS. 

Mr. A. C. Matthews, of Illinois. I desire to introduce and put upon its 



46 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

passage a resolution which I will forward to the Secretary to be read to the 
Convention. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Distribution of Tickets be hereby 
instructed to furnish five hundred tickets of admission to this hall during the 
sessions of this Convention to the veteran soldiers who desire to witness the 
proceedings. ' 

Mr. Matthews. I ask the unanimous consent of this Convention to place 
upon its passage that resolution. 

The President. Is the motion seconded? 

Several Delegates. Second it; second it. 

Mr. Matthews. It will be observed, sir, that there are vacant seats here. 
I wish to say to the Convention that there are veteran soldiers here who have 
come hundreds of miles to witness the proceedings of this Convention. And to 
that end this resolution is introduced, and I hope the Convention will adopt it 
unanimously. 

Mr. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. I rise to ask a question. I wish to 
ask in what manner and to what persons for distribution these tickets will be 
issued? 

Mr. W. H. Jessup, of Pennsylvania. I would move to amend by adding, 
<; that they be distributed according to the representation upon the floor of this 
Convention to the Chairmen of the various delegations.". 

Mr. Taft, of North Carolina. I second the amendment. That is right. 

Mr. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. Having been one of the members of 
the sub-committee who had charge of the apportionment of seats in this Con 
vention; and, having some knowledge of the seating capacity of the hall, 1 
desire to say that, in the apportionment of these seats, every seat was provided 
for by tickets; that tickets were provided sufficient to fill every seat in this 
hall. Now, if these additional tickets are to be issued, I would like to know 
where the gentlemen are to be seated. Otherwise I would be very glad to see 
them here. But, unless you have seats for these gentlemen, if they come, they 
will stand in the aisles, and it will cause interminable confusion. If you can 
devise some plan by which they can be seated, I would be exceedingly gratified 
to vote for the resolution. 

Mr. Matthews. In reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Arkansas, 
I have to say that, while it may be true that tickets are issued for eveiy seat in 
this hall, it is equally true that these seats are not occupied half of the time. If 
one of these veterans should happen to occupy a seat, and the holder of the 
ticket therefor should come along and demand it, I will say to this Convention, 
he will yield to the authority of that ticket. I want to say further that, while 
these seats are occupied, these men will be glad to lay around the hall and 
passages, to the end that they might witness these proceedings; and all these 
men ask is to be permitted to come into the hall and occupy such seats as are 
not occupied by gentlemen or ladies holding accredited tickets to this Con- 
vention . 

Mr. Joseph E. Lek, of Florida. The State of Florida was entitled to so 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. ±7 

many tickets, and yet that State has been unable to obtain those tickets. There 
are, I understand, twenty-five seats that belong to that State; and if that State 
can not in any other manner obtain the benefit of those tickets, she is willing to 
yield those twenty-five seats that the veterans might obtain those seats and 
witness the proceedings here. 

The President . You have heard the resolution . The first question before 
the Convention is the amendment offered by the gentleman on the left [Mr. 
Jessup] . 

Mr. Matthews. I most cheerfully accept the amendment of the gentle- 
man. 

The President. The amendment is accepted. The resolution as amended 
will now be read. 

The Secretary read the resolution, as follows : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Distribution of Tickets be hereby in- 
structed to furnish five hundred tickets of admission to this hall during the 
sessions of this Convention to the veteran soldiers who desire to witness the pro- 
ceedings, to be distributed in proportion to the representation from the States, 
and delivered for such distribution to the Chairmen of the respective State 
delegations. 

Mr. L. E. Parsons, of Alabama. I would suggest, Mr. President, that 
there are States here represented upon this floor which have quite large delega- 
tions here, and under the amendment that has been offered they would be enti- 
tled to tickets to distribute; and we, unfortunately, have but a few veteran sol- 
diers among us that we know anything about, and I think that this amendment 
ought to apply to the States that had veteran soldiers in the cause of the Union, 
to place them in the hands of the Chairmen of the States that have soldiers 
here, and not in the hands of States that have no soldiers on this floor of that 
class and of that character. • 

Mr. Massey, of Delaware. I rise to suggest another amendment, sir; and 
that is, that the resolution be so modified that the distribution shall be made of 
those tickets by a special committee from the delegation from Illinois, so that 
those tickets will be placed where they are wanted. If the suggestion made by 
a gentleman on the right of the hall — by whom I know not, for I did not recog- 
nize the member — is to be carried into effect, then it necessarily will be that, in 
a great many of the States represented here on this floor, from which there are 
no Union soldiers present, the purpose intended to be accomplished by the reso- 
lution will have failed, sir; the purpose being that those soldiers of the Union — 
men who need no apology to be made for them in a Republican Convention or 
their right to be here, although the}' stand upon the floor and are not seated — I 
say, that if no other arrangement than that now contemplated by the sugges- 
tion be carried into effect, it will be futile to reach the object desired; and, 
therefore, I would suggest that the resolution be so modified as to contemplate 
distribution through the agency of a special committee from the Illinois dele- 
gation, to be selected by themselves. 

Mr. Calvin Manning, of Iowa. I suggest, in response to the gentleman 
from Delaware [Mr. Massey], that if there is any delegation present that have 



48 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

no Union soldiers or veterans, the Chairman of that delegation turn their tickets 
over to the National Committee, with the request that they be reapportioned to 
the States that have the Union soldiers. 

The President. Before the vote shall have been taken, I desire to state 
that I am just informed by the National Committee that tickets have been 
issued for every seat in the hall. 

The President put the question. 

The President. The noes seem to have it, and the resolution is defeated. 

Mr. John D. Long, of Massachusetts. I move that the Convention adjourn 
until 10 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Mr. McLean. I move to amend that by making it 11 o'clock. 

Mr. Long. I accept the amendment. 

Mr. Charles B. Hussey, of Maine. I move to amend that by making it 
10 o'clock. I understand that at that time the Committee on Credentials will be 
ready to report. It must necessarily be a lengthy session, and there will be also 
a report from the Committee on Rules, and it is necessary to transact this busi- 
ness more expeditiously, m order to get to the close of this Convention. 

At this point there was some confusion, and a number of dele- 
gates were calling for recognition by the Chairman. 

Mr. Greenhalze, of Massachusetts. I ask for the putting of the motion 
to adjourn until 10 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

The motion to adjourn prevailed, and the Convention adjourned 
to 10 o'clock a. m., June 5, 1884. 



THIRD DAY^ 

June 5th, 1884. 
The Convention was called to order at ten minutes to 11, by the 
President, Gen. John B. Henderson. 

The President. The Convention this morning will be opened with prayer 
by the Rev. Dr. Fallows, of Chicago. 

Bishop Fallows offered the following prayer : 

Almighty God, the fountain of all life and light, we devoutly bless Thee 
for the national and individual blessings Thou hast mercifully vouchsafed to 
us. Thou wast with our fathers as in their weakness and feebleness they laid 
the foundations of the Republic. Thou didst give victory to our struggling 
armies during the dark and stormy days of the Revolution. Thou didst lead 
us forth out of our terrible civil conflict, with an emancipated and enfranchised 
race and an undivided union of the States. 

We thank Thee, O God, for the precious heritage of memory, thought and 
service, bequeathed to us by the labors, the sacrifices and the surrendered lives 
of heroic, devoted men. We thank Thee that in every period of our history 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 49 

Thou didst raise up leaders of the people to meet the needs and emergencies of 
their own time; and we praise Thee that the bright succession has not died out. 

We thank Thee for the blessings of free speech, free schools, a free ballot 
and a free press, so extensively enjoyed. We pray for Thy blessing now upon 
our common country. Weld it more closely together in a union of fraternity, 
charity and loyalty. 

Bless Thy servant, the President of the United States, and all others in 
authority. Grant them in health and prosperity long to live. Bless him who 
presides over this Convention. Give him wisdom and strength for his arduous 
task. We thank Thee, O God, for the glorious record made in winning oppor- 
tunity for all, justice for all, liberty for all, equality before the law for all, by 
the party whose representatives are here assembled. 

Direct these before Thee, we pray Thee, in their deliberations and discus- 
sions. Save them from error, ignorance, pride and prejudice. Check the hasty 
word; prevent the inconsiderate act. May those who shall be selected for the 
loftiest political positions to which mortal man can aspire, be those who shall 
possess every qualification of body, mind and heart for that high and holy 
trust. Grant, we pray Thee, that personal preferences and interests may yield 
to the just demands of a true and broad patriotism; and grant, we pray Thee, 
that when the time shall come for the suffrages of the American people to be 
cast, such shall be the declaration of principles adopted by this great body, 
such the measures devised, such the candidates presented, that the hearty and 
unanimous support of these here before Thee shall be secured, and the final 
ratifications made by the people in an unmistakable manner. And the name 
of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, shall have the glory, world without 
end. Amen. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I would call for the report of the Committee on 
Credentials, or of some other committee. 

The President. Mr. Ballard, of Vermont, the Chairman of the Committee 
on Credentials, announces to the Chair his readiness now to report. 

Mr. Ballard, of Vermont. As Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, 
before presenting our report, you will pardon me a word. Since the organiza- 
tion of that committee last Tuesday night, the committee have been almost in 
one continuous session. The members of the committee have had no time for 
rest, recreation, or the pleasure of booming for favorite candidates. Our labors 
have been difficult and arduous. The questions that have been submitted to 
us have been, many of them, difficult and delicate; but I am happy to say that 
the deliberations of the committee were entirely harmonious. There was no 
discord in our councils. There was no inquiry whether the claimant to a seat 
was a Blaine man, an Arthur man, a Logan man, a Sherman man, or an 
Edmunds man. The question was solely this: Is the claimant rightfully 
entitled to a seat in this Convention? I congratulate this Convention on 
the harmony in this Republican party, evidenced by the fact that this com- 
mittee, gathered from all the States and Territories, have presented an entirely 
unanimous report. There is no firebrand thrust into this Convention in the 
shape of a minority report. Our report, which, of course, was hastily written 
4 



50 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

this morning at the close of our labors (which lasted all through the night), 
and which I trust will commend itself to the good judgment of the members of 
this Convention, will now be read to you by Judge Fort, of New Jersey, a 
member of our committee, who has efficiently aided me as Temporary Chair- 
man during the sessions of our committee at times. He will assist me, and 
will answer any questions, if any are put to us by the Convention, in regard to 
this report. 

The President. Read the report. 

Mr. J. Frank Fort, of New Jersey, then read the report as follows : 

To the President and Members of the National Republican 
Convention — Gentlemen : Your Committee on Credentials respectfully report 
that they met for organization on the evening of June 3d instant, and selected 
Hon. Henry Ballard, of Vermont, as their Chairman; and Edwin C. Nichols, 
Esq. , of the State of Michigan, as Secretary, and proceeded to the consideration 
of the contests in this body. 

Your committee report that they annex hereto the printed roll of member- 
ship prepared by the National Committee, with the changes therein made by 
your committee. As to the several contested cases, your committee report upon 
each as they have considered them, as follows : 

First. In the case of the First District of Alabama the committee find the 
sitting members, James E. Slaughter and Frank H. Threet, and their alter- 
nates, as on the roll of the National Committee, entitled to their seats. 

Second. In the case of the Seventh District of Alabama the committee find 
the sitting members, Robert A. Moseley Jr., and Arthur Bingham, and their 
alternates, as on the roll of the National Committee, entitled to their seats. 

Third. In the case of the Fourth District of Texas the committee find the 
sitting members, A. G. Malloy and J. R. Carter, and their alternates, entitled 
to their seats. 

Fourth. In the case of the First District of Georgia the committee find the 
sitting members, A. N. Wilson and James Blue, entitled to their seats. 

Fifth. In the case of the Second District of Illinois the committee find the 
sitting members, W. H. Ruger and C. E. Piper, and their alternates, entitled 
to their seats. 

Sixth. In the case of the First District of Kentucky, the committee find 
the sitting members, Edwin Farley and P. C. Bragg, with their alternates, 
entitled to their seats. 

Seventh. In the case of the Fourth District of Maryland the committee find 
the sitting members, James W. Jordan and Henry W. Rogers, with their alter- 
nates, entitled to their seats. 

Eighth. In the case of the Sixth District of New York the committee find 
the sitting members, John J. O'Brien and John H. Brady, with their alternates, 
entitled to their seats. 

Ninth. In the case of the Nineteenth District of New York the committee 
recommend that the sitting delegates, George Campbell and Hiram Griggs, 
with their alternates, Andrew S. Draper and Madison Covert, and the contest- 
ants, James Lamb and James A. Houck, with their alternates, William H. Has- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 51 

"kell and Nathan D. Wendell, be each admitted to seats in the Convention with 
one-half a vote to each delegate. 

Tenth. In the case of the Twenty-first District of Pennsylvania, the com- 
mittee find the sitting member [there was a contest only as to one member], 
James E. Sayers, with his alternate, entitled to his seat. 

Eleventh. In the case of the contest of the State of Virginia, the commit- 
tee, by a unanimous vote, find that the delegation from said State headed by 
Senator William Mahone are each and all entitled to their seats in this Conven- 
tion, in accordance with the roll of delegates and alternates as made up by the 
National Republican Committee. 

Twelfth. In the case of the Fifth District of Kentucky, the committee make 
the unanimous recommendation that the sitting members, Silas F. Miller and 
John Mason Brown, with their alternates, John Barrett and George W. Brown, 
and the contestants, Augustus E. Wilson and Michael Minton, and their alter- 
nates, Hugh Mulholland and August Kahlert, be each admitted as delegates 
and alternates to this Convention, with the right to cast one-half a vote each. 
This recommendation is consented to by the sitting members and contestants. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

HENRY BALLARD, Chairman. 

Edwin C. Nichols, Secretary. 

The following is the list of delegates and alternates, with post- 
office address, attached to the report: 

ALABAMA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

George Turner Montgomery Benjamin de Lemas Haynesyille 

George W. Braxdall Talladega Thomas J. Lake Athens 

C. C. Sheats Decatur John H. Thomason Athens 

J. C. Duke Selma C. S. Giddens Opelika 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— James E. Slaughter Mobile Anthony R. Davidson Mobile 

Frank H. Threet Demopolis Allen Alexander Mobile 

2 — George W. Washington Montgomery Augustus W. Johnson Evergreen 

Paul Strobach Montgomery John Blount Montgomery 

3— Isaac Heyman Opelika J. C. Flournoy Clayton 

William Youngblood Union Springs Jack Brown Fort Mitchell 

4 — William J. Stevens.. .Selma Elbert W. Locke Camden 

Hugh A. Carson Haynesville George B. Griffin Greensboro 

5 — Lewis E. Parsons, Jr Rockford Charles A.Edwards.. Prattville 

William J. Anthony La Fayette Randall J. Storrs Wetumpka 

6— Algernon A. Mabson Birmingham Henry Hall Birmingham 

Lewis J.Washington Tuscaloosa Henry C.Bryan Birmingham 

7— Robert A.Moseley, Jr Talladega Isaac FrankI Jacksonville 

Arthur Bingham _ Talladega John B. Simpson Helena 

8— Augustus W. McCulloch Huntsville Reuben W. Lowe Huntsville 

Peter J. Crenshaw Athens P. B. Barton Barton 

ARKANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 

Powell Clayton Eureka Springs narraon L. Remmel Newport 

Logan H. Roots Little Rock E.C.Morris Helena 

M. W. Gibbs LittleRock R. B. Thomas Rocky Comfort 

Henry M. Cooper LittleRock Moses A. Clark Marianna 



52 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Arkansas — Continued. 
Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1 — Jacob Trieber Helena J. Pennoyer Jones Arkansas City 

Samuel H. Holland Dermott M. G.Turner Helena 

2— John H. Johnson Augusta O. M. Norman Brinkley 

Ferd. Havis Pine Bluff Oscar M. Spellman Racine 

3-A. A. Tufts Camden H. W. Wadkins Hampton 

George H. Thompson Lewisville B. G. Bryant Prescott 

4— Mason W. Benjamin Little Rock William Laporte Little Rock 

Jacob Yoes ' Mountainburg Josiah Clark Hot Springs 

5— Lafayette Gregg Fayetteville J. W. True Eureka Springs 

Kidder Kidd Bentonville James A. Spradling Harrison 

CALIFORNIA. 

AT LARGE. 

William W. Morrow San Francisco Horace F. Page . .Placerville 

Geo. A. Knight Eureka Frank M. Pixley San Francisco 

Thomas R. Bard Hueneme Rollin C. Gaskill Oakland 

Horace Davis San Francisco James McM. Shafter San Francisco 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Chauncey C. Bush Redding Horace W. Byington Santa Rosa 

Byron O. Carr St. Helena James D. Byers Janesville 

2— William H. Parks Marysville David E. Knight Marysville 

George W. Schell Modesto Timothy H.Barnard Chico 

3— William Johnston Sacramento Wallace R. Pond Woodland 

Eli S. Dennison Oakland Thomas H. Thompson .Oakland 

4— David McClure San Francisco Frank J. French San Francisco 

Charles F. Crocker San Francisco William B. May San Francisco 

5— AdolphB. Spreckels San Francisco James W. Rea Santa Clara 

Maurice C. Blake San Francisco Sargent S. Morton San Francisco 

6— David C. Reed San Diego Thomas Flint San Juan 

Oregon Sanders Visalia Edwin W. Crooks Santa Barbara 

COLORADO. 

AT LARGE. 

W. A. Hamill Georgetown F. E. Osbiston IdahoSprings 

S. H. Elbert Denver J. W. Graham ..Denver 

C. C. Davis Leadville S. W. Jones Breckenridge 

Alexander Gullitt Gunnison J. H. Stead Salida 

B. F. Crowell Colorado Springs J. A. Smith Boulder 

A. L. Emigh Fort Collins D. P. Kingsley Grand Junction 

CONNECTICUT. 

AT LARGE. 

Augustus Brandegee New London John A. Tibbitts New London 

Frederick Miles . Chapinville Samuel Fessendeu Stamford 

Samuel E. Merwin, Jr New Haven John S. Fowler New Haven 

John L. Houston Thompsonville Morgan G. Bulkeley Hartford 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Valentine B. Chamberlain. ..New Britain Charles S. Landers New Britain 

Ralph'P. Gilbert Hebron George Belding Rockville 

2— Luzerne I. Munson Waterbury David S. Plume Waterbury 

John G. Edmonds Deep River Henry W. Stocking Cromwell 

3— Eugene S. Boss Willimantic Charles A. Russell Killingly 

IraG. Briggs Voluntown John R. Buck Hartford 

4— OreamusR. Fyler Torrington James L. Carson Torrington 

Ebenezer J. Hill Norwalk Andrew J. Crofut South Norwalk 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 53 

DELAWARE. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

Washington Hastings ...Wilmington Joseph T. Bass Wilmington 

John Pilling Newark Minot S. Curtis Newark 

Geo. V. Massey Dover D. P. Barnard Lebanon 

Daniel J. Layton Georgetown Jno. H. Johnson Milford 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— John H. Hoffecker Smyrna Joseph S. Truitt Milford 

W.J. Stewart Seaford H. R. Burton Lewes 

FLORIDA. 

AT LARGE. 

Dennis Eagan Jacksonville Emanuel Fortune Jacksonville 

Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville M. M. Lewey Gainesville 

Jesse D. Cole Monticello D. D. Rogers Daytona 

Wm. G. Stewart Tallahassee J.W. Mitchell Tallahassee 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1—Jas. N. Combs Apalachicola B. F. Livingstone Marianna 

A. C. Lightborne Quincy M. A.Trapp Marianna 

2— John G. Long St. Augustine Thomas Hinds .Georgetown 

H. W. Chandler Ocala D. C. Martin Gainesville 

GEORGIA. 

AT LARGE. 

A. E. Buck Atlanta Aaron Collins Cartersville 

W. A. Pledger Atlanta Smith W. Easley, Jr Atlanta 

L. M. Pleasant Savannah E. T. Flemming Augusta 

CD. Forsyth ...Rome J. N. Blackshear Macon 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1 — A. N. Wilson Savannah James A. Sykes Brunswick 

Jas. Blue Brunswick Richard Jackson Darien 

2— C. W. Arnold Albany W. H. Henderson Thomasville 

Jno. C. Few Thomasville Carey Barnes Cuthbert 

3— Elbert Head Americus W. D. King Hawkinsville 

E. Seward Small.. Eastman B. C. Mitchell Americus 

4— W. H. Johnson ..Atlanta R. F. Milner Newnan 

J. C. Beall La Grange E. H. Miller Columbus 

5— John E. Bryant Atlanta W. L. Shumate Decatur 

W. D. Moore Atlanta William Wilkins Griffin 

6— W. W. Brown Macon Richard Nelson Gordon 

P.O.Holt.. 1 Macon W. F.Jackson Forsyth 

7— G. P. Burnett. Rome Benj. F. Duncan Rome 

J. Q. Gassett. Cartersville T. H. Triplett Dalton 

8 — Marcus A. Wood Madison Felix R. Rogers Sparta 

Madison Davis Athens Monroe B. Morton Athens 

9— W. T. B. Wilson Atlanta W. O. H. Shepard Toccoa 

James B. Gaston Gainesville John M. Allred Jasper 

10— W. F. Holden Augusta Jesse Wimberly ....Wayne^borough 

R. R. Wright Augusta O. T. Gonder Warrenton 

ILLINOIS. 

AT LARGE. 

Shelby M. Cullom „ Springfield Thomas B. Needles Nashville 

John M. Hamilton Spriugfield C. S. Smith Bloomington 

Burton C. Cook Chicago Jacob Stampen - Cook 

Clark E. Carr Galesburg Benson Wood Effingham 



54 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



Delegates. 



ILLINOIS— Continued. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



Alternates. 



1— J. L. Woodward Chicago 

Abner Taylor Chicago 

2— W. H. Euger Chicago 

C. E. Piper Chicago 

3— George R. Davis Chicago 

J. R. Wheeler Chicago 

4— Samuel B. Raymond Chicago 

L. C. Collins, Jr Norwood Park 

5— L.M.Kelly Elgin 

C. E. Fuller.- Belvidere 

6— Norman Lewis Thomson 

O. C. Towne..-. Pecatonica 

7— S. G. Baldwin Prophetstown 

HenryT. Noble Dixon 

8— R. W. Willett Yorkville 

A.J. Bell Naperville 

9— S. T. Rogers El Paso 

Thomas Vennum Watseka 

10— W. W.Wright Toulon 

R. H. Whiting... Peoria 

11— C. V. Chandler Macomb 

C. A. Ballard New Boston 

12-A. C. Matthews Pittsfield 

W. W. Berry Quincy 

13— Dr. William Jayne Springfield 

Dietrich (J. SmLh Pekin 

14— J. W.Fifer Bloomington 

George K. Ingham Clinton 

15— Charles G. Eckhart Tuscola 

L. S.Wilcox Champaign 

16— Charles Churchill Albion 

Hani -on Black Marshall 

17— John I. Rinaker Carlinville 

J. M. Truitt Hillsboro 

18— R. A. Halbert Belleville 

H. Reuter Nashville 

19— T. S. Ridgway Shawneetown 

C. T. Stratton Mt. Vernon 

20— T. M. Simpson ...Vienna 

W. McAdams Chester 



PlinyB Smith Chicago 

W. J. Campbell Blue Island 

John F. Scanlan Chicago 

William Ludewig Chicago 

A. J. Snell Chicago 

C. H. Plautz Chicago 

John C. Enrier Chicago 

Christian Dahnke Chicago 

A. C.Murray 

S. Aldin Sycamore 

H. A. Mix Oregon 

W. F. Hodgson Galena 

R. Harrington.. Geneseo 

J. W. Hopkins Granville 

J. R. Ely Mazon 

Walter Reeves Streator 

J. Weir Lacon 

M. J. Sheridan Kankakee 

Z. Beatty Galesburg 

C. E. Snively Canton 

Col. S. W. Kiijg La Harpe 

Morris Rosenfield Moline 

A. K. Lowery Mount Sterling 

John R. Coats Winchester 

Dr. G. S. Weagley Jacksonville 

John J. Squier Taylorville 

J. W. Haworth Decatur 

Julius A. Brown Bement 

C. P. Hitch. Paris 

Thomas A. Lewis Urbana 

H.F.Wilson Toledo 

D. W.Barklev Fairfield 

Benson Wood Effingham 

R. T. Higgins Vandalia 

A. J. Gullick Greeuville 

R. A. Morgan Nashville 

A. E. Eismeyer Trenton 

C. M. Lyon McLeansboro 

T. T. Fo-mtain Pincknevville 

N. B. Thistlewood Cairo 



INDIANA. 



AT LARGE. 



Richard W. Thompson Terre Haute 

Benjamin Harrison Indianapolis 

John H. Baker.. G< shen 

Morris McDonald New Albany 



Edwin F. Horn Indianapolis 

John H. Roelker Evansville 

Moses Fowler La Fayette 

Granville B. Ward Monticello 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— James C. Veatch Rockport 

Francis B. Posey Petersburgh 

2— George G. Reiley Vincennes 

Wm. R. Gardiner Washington 

3— David M. Alspaugh Salem 

Albert P. Charles. Seymour 

4— J no. O. Cravens Osgood 

Eugene G. Hay Madison 

5— Joseph I. Irwin Columbus 

W. A. Montgomery Gosport 

6— Chas. II. Burchenal Richmond 

Joshua H. Mellett New Castle 

7-L. T. Michener Shelby ville 

Henrv C. Adams Indianapolis 

8— Wm.'C. Smith Williamsport, 

William R. McKeen Terre Haute 

9— Geo. B. Williams La Fayette 

Americus C. Daily Lebanon 



Gilbert R. Stormont Princeton 

Philander Cooper Evansville 

C. C. Schreeder Huntingburg 

William Farrell Paoli 

Francis Norton New Albany 

Will T. Walker . Scottsburg 

J. P. Hemphill Rising Sun 

E. C. Thompson Rensse) a er 

C. S. Hammond Ore- ncastle 

James O.Parker Danville 

Andrew M. Kennedy Rushville 

James N. Huston Connert-ville 

Otto H. Hasselman Indiannpdis 

J. M. Freeman Greenfield 

M. L. Hall Newport 

Ed. A. Rosser Brazil 

Robert Graham Noblesville 

O. S. Torrer Tipton 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



55 



Indiana — District Delegates — Continued. 

Alternates. 



10— Simon P. Thompson Rensselaer 

Geo. W. Holman Rochester 

11— James B. Kenner Huntington 

Jonas Votaw Portland 

12— Oscar S. Simons Fort Wayne 

Orville Carver Angola 

13— Joseph D. Olivei South Bend 

George Moon Warsaw 



Ulric Z. Wiley Fowler 

Chas. F. Griffin Crown Point 

R. S. Peterson Decatur 

John A. Cantwell Hartford 

John Mitchell Kendallville 

Williamson Rawles La Grange 

Alba M.Tucker Elkhart 

Amasa Johnson Plymouth 



IOWA. 



AT LARGE. 



J. S. Clarkson Des Moines 

W. G. Donnan Independence 

J. Y. Stone Glenwood 

N. M.Hubbard Cedar Rapids 



Albert Swalm Oscaloosa 

J. H. Gear Burlington 

E. G. Hartshorn Emmetsburgh 

W. Vandever Dubuque 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— D. A.Morrison Fort Madison 

Wm. Wilson. Jr Washington 

2— John Hilsinger Sabula 

W. T. Shaw Anamosa 

3— H. C. Hemenway Cedar Falls 

W. H. Norris Manchester 

4— A. G. Stewart Waukon 

O. H. Lyon... Rockford 

5-J. W. Willett Tama City 

Merritt Green, Jr ..Marshalltown 

6-H. S. Winslow Newton 

Calvin Manning Ottumwa 

7— C. H. Gatch Des Moines 

E. W. Weeks. Guthrie Centre 

3-W. H. Christie Creston 

W. Wilson Osceola 

9 -E. A. Consigney Avoca 

T. M. C. Logan Logan 

10— R. S. Benson Hampton 

C. C. T. Mason ....Boone 

11— A. B. Funk... Spirit Lake 

J. D. Ainsworth Onawa 



Arthur Springer Col umbos June. 

C. M. Junkin Fairfield 

H. R. Whitehouse .Clinton 

C. W. McManus Davenport 

G. A. Mclntyre Shell Rock 

J. M. Rea Grundy < 'entre 

D. W. Clements ....West Union 

William Kellow Cresco 

L. H. Jackson. Iowa City 

J. L. Geddes Vinton 

J. P. Lyman Grinnell 

F. W. Eichelberger Bloomfield 

Lewis Igo Indianola 

J. H. Twombly Stuart 

D. T. Sigler. Corning 

S. T. Sherrod WalnutCity 

George Gray Gray 

D. B.Miller ....Red Oak 

O. C. Nelson Nevada 

J. C. K. Smith Eldora 

F. D. Piper Sheldon 

W. L Culbertson Carroll 



KANSAS. 



AT LARGE. 



Preston B. Plumb Washington, D. C. 

James S. Merritt Wamego 

J. G. Woods Wellington 

A. W. Mann Burr Oak 



J. H. Ricksecker Lyons 

W. H. Douglas El Dorado 

C. J. Jones Garden City 

Henry Fuell Lawrence 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Cyrus Leland, Jr Troy 

Henry E. Insley Leavenworth 

2— J. P. Root Wyandotte 

R. Aikman Fort Scott 

3— J. R. Hallowdl Columbus 

W. P. Hackney Winfield 

4— Geo R. Peck. Topeka 

William Martindale Eureka 

5— E. A. Berry Waterville 

C. C. Culp , Salina 

6— J. S. McDowell ...Smith Centre 

C. C. Wood Stocktown 

7— Jos. W. Ady Newton 

R L. Walker Wichita 



W. R. Smith Atchison 

Dr. H. A. Warner Meriden 

O. A. Gesick Ottawa 

R. B. Stevenson Iola 

Jno. Veits Hepler 

Geo. Miller Elk City 

J. V. Admire Osage City 

H. C. Lockwood Marion 

W. S. Blakesly Junction City 

P. F. Thompson Minneapolis 

D. A. Freeman Beloit 

J. H.Franklin Russell 

Henry Booth Larned 

A. J. Hoisington Garden City 



56 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



KENTUCKY. 

AT LARGE. 



Alternates. 



William O. Bradley Lancaster 

William W. Culbertson Ashland 

John W. Lewis Springfield 

Walter Evans Louisville 



William H. Holt Mt. Sterling 

Henry Scroggins Lexington 

Speed L. Fry Danville 

J. R. Puryear Paducah 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Edwin Parley ...Owensborough 

P. C. Bragg Mayfield 

2— J. Z. Moore Owensborough 

Joseph I. Landes Hopkinsville 

3— W. L. Hazslip Glasgow June. 

Allen Allensworth. Bowling Green 

4— G. P. Jolly Cloverport 

Edw. Hilpp. Lebanon 

5— Silas P. Miller, one-half vote.. .Louisville 

John Mason Brown, one-half vote, 

Louisville 
Augustus E.Wilson, one-half vote, 

Louisville 

Michael Minton, one-half vote.. Louisville 
6— David N. Comingore Covington 

James A. Scarlett Newport 

7— William Cassius Goodloe Lexington 

Richard P. Stoll Lexington 

8— Robert Boyd London 

George Denny, Jr Lancaster 

9— George M. Thomas Vanceburg 

T. S.Bradford Augusta 

10— Andrew J. Auxier Louisville 

J. C. Eversole Hazard 

11— R. A. Buckner, Jr Greensburgh 

H. G. Tremble Somerset 



E. M. Manion 

D. M. Brown 

Peter Postell Hopkinsville 

James McLaughlin Henderson 

J. B. Harris Franklin 

E. L. Yontes Greenville 

W. S. McFarland Mt. Washington 

DanO'Riley Litchfield 

John Barrett Louisville 

George W. Brown Louisville 

Hugh Mulholland Louisville 

August Kahlert Louisville 

John Woodhead .Falmouth 

L. R. Hawthorne Newport 

L. A. Slade Georgetown 

J. M. Walker Owenton 

James M. Sebastian Booneville 

P. P. Ballard Richmond 

D. J. Burchett Louisa 

R. C. Burns Catlettsburg 

S. H. Kash Mt. Sterling 

J.N. Baughman Barboursville 

L. B. Hurt Columbia 

J. C. Evans Glasgow 



LOUISIANA. 



AT LARGE. 



Wm. P. Kellogg Washington 

A. J. Dumont New Orleans 

P. B. S. Pinchback New Orleans 

A. S. Badger New Orleans 



H. C. Warmoth Lawrence 

H. K. Jones New Orleans 

James M. Vance New Orleans 

Wm. Roy New Orleans 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— W. B. Merchant New Orleans 

R. F. Guichard New Orleans 

2— P. F. Hernig New Orleans 

Henry Demas Edgar 

3— George Drury Napoleonville 

L. A Martinet St. Martin 

4— A. H. Leonard Shreveport 

William Harper Shreveport 

5— Frank Morey Washington 

E. W. Wall Vidalia 

6— Louis J. Souer Marksville 

Clifford Morgan New Roads 



L. P. Smith New Orleans 

Felix Fagu et New Orleans 

L. Gilliaud New Orleans 

W. S. Wilson New Orleans 

A. Davis Franklin 

T. A. Cage - Homer 

W. P. Peck .Coushatta 

A. J. Smith.. Rocky Mount 

John W. Cook. Lake Providence 

E. A. Neal St. Joseph 

B. V. Barance Baton Rouge 

Oscar Holt Port Allen 



MAINE. 



AT LARGE. 



Josiah H. Drummond Portland 

George C. Wing Auburn 

Joseph R. Bodwell Hollowell 

Joseph S. Wheelwright Bangor 



Gilman N. Dearing Saco 

Edwin O. Clark Waldoborough 

Edmund F. Webb WaterviJle 

Samuel N. Campbell Chcrryfield 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



57 



Maine — Continued. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



Alternates. 



l_Al"bion Little Portland 

Charles E. Hussey Biddeford 

2— Amos E.Crockett Rockland 

Ruel B. Fuller Wilton 

3— Andrew P. Wiswell. Ellsworth 

J. Macheeter Haynes Augusta 

4— Austin Harris... East Machias 

Elbridge A. Thompson Dover 



Isaac L. Came Standish 

Samuel Hanson Buxton 

Samuel H. Allen Thomaston 

Alonzo F.Lewis Fryeburg 

Eben D. Haley Gardiner 

Luther H. Webb Skowhegan 

Eben Woodbury. Houlton 

Edward C. Goodnow Calais 



MARYLAND. 



AT LAEGE. 



Hart B. Holton .Washington, D. C. 

Thomas S. Hodson Orisfield 

Lycurgus N. Phillips Mechanicstown 

James Wallace Cambridge 



Daniel Chisolm Oakland 

J. L. H. Smith Baltimore 

A. L. Tharp Easton 

Wm. J. Hand Centreville 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Chas. T. Westcott Chestertown 

James C. Mullikin Easton 

2— John T. Ensor Towson 

H. M. Clabaugh Westminster 

3-D. Pinkney West Baltimore 

Wm. Coath Baltimore 

4— James W. Jordan Baltimore 

Henry W. Rogers Baltimore 

5— Jas. A. Gary ...Baltimore 

Wm. G. Green Washington, D. C. 

6— J. McPherson Scott Hagerstown 

Geo. L Wellington Cumberland 



Wilbur Eliason Chestertown 

N. W. Dixon Crisrield 

Francis Sanderson Arlington 

R. F. TuU Elkton 

W. W. Johnson .Baltimore 

Isidor D. Oliver Baltimore 

Wm. J. Gray Baltimore 

Jas. F. Spriggs Baltimore 

Jas. T. Caulk Baltimore 

James C. Chaney Dunkirk 

John A. Davis Hagerstown 

Jno. W. Lancaster Rockville 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



AT LARGE. 



George F. Hoar Worcester 

Wm. W. Crapo New Bedford 

John D. Long Hingham 

Henry Cabot Lodge .Nahant 



Benjamin S. Lovell Weymouth 

Lewis J.Power.... Springfield 

A. H. Grinke Hyde Park 

T. W. Higginson Cambridge 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Jonathan Bourne New Bedford 

Frank S. Stevens Swansea 

2— Frank M. Ames Canton 

Eben L. Ripley Hingham 

3— Henry P. Kidder Boston 

Edward L. Pierce Milton 

4 — Jesse M. Gove Boston 

Chas. T. Gallagher Bo-ton 

5— Ephraim Stearns Waltham 

John F. Andrew Boston 

6— Amos F. Breed Lvnn 

Carroll D. Wright Reading 

7— Edward H. Haskell Gloucester 

Geo. W. Cate Amesbury 

8— Frederick T . Greenhalze . Lowell 

Andrew C. Stone Lawrence 

9 -Joseph G. Ray Franklin 

Robert R. Bishop Newton 

10— Wm. W. Rice ...Worcester 

Theodore C. Bates North Brookfield 

11— Chester C. Conant. Greenfield 

Rodney Wallace Fitchburg 

12— Henry S. Hyde Springfield 

Levi L. Brown Adams 



Joseph K. Baker Dennis 

Alphonso S. Covell Fall River 

H. W. Durgin Taunton 

J. J. Whipple Brockton 

Henry W.Putnam Boston 

Roger Wolcott Boston 

John Taylor Boston 

Wm. N. Young Boston 

Julius Chappelle Boston 

Geo. C. Bent Cambridge 

Francis Childs Boston 

Daniel A. Uleason Medford 

Milton S'over -.Haverhill 

Simeon Dodge Marblehead 

Joseph L. Sargent „Dracut 

F. C. Clark Lawrence 

O. T. Gray Hyde Park 

S. Herbert Howe Marlborough 

Geo. L. Gibbs Northbridge 

Calvin D. Paige Southbridge 

Samuel M. Cook Granby 

Edward P. Loring Fitchburgh 

Edward S.Wilkinson North Adams 

Chas. N. Teamans Westfield 



58 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



Delegates. 



MICHIGAN. 



AT LARGE. 



Alternates. 



Koswell G. Horr Saginaw 

William F. Swift Ishpeming 

Samuel C. Watson Detroit 

Julius C. Burrows Kalamazoo 



Joseph B. Moore Lapeer 

Ezra L. Koon Hillsdale 

Aaron B. Turner Grand Rapids 

George W. Robie Mason 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Russell A. Alger Detroit 

W. S. Morey Flat Rock 

2 — W. A. Underwood Adrian 

Joseph T. Jacobs Ann Arbor 

3— Edward C. Nichols Battle Creek 

William H. Powers Hastings 

4— S T. Read Cassopolis 

Josiah Andrews Paw Paw 

5— Geo. W. Webber Ionia 

H. F.Thomas Allegan 

6— M. D. Chatterton Mason 

J. E. Sawyer Pontiac 

7 — Johu P. Sanborn Port Huron 

B. R. Noble Lexington 

8— W. S. Tuck St. Louis 

W. E.Watson Bancroft 

9— M. P. Gale ....Big Rapids 

Abel Anderson Muskegon 

10— H. H. Aplin.. .....West Bay City 

George W. Bell Cheboygan 

11— S. C. Moffatt Grand Traverse 

S. M. Stevenson Menominee 



W. H. Coats Detroit 

John Greusel Detroit 

W. A. French Dundee 

Edwin J. March Hillsdale 

John C. Sharp Jackson 

W. H. Coombs Barry County 

William L. Stoughton Sturgis 

W. Irving Babcock Niles 

Don J. Leathers Grand Rapids 

J. M. Ferguson Coopersville 

H. B. Blackman .Howell 

J. B. Atwood Flint 

Alexander Grant Utica 

Geo. W. Jenks Sand Beach 

S. R. Stevens Stanton 

S. W. Hopkins Mt. Pleasant 

J. R. Bishop Ludington 

F. R. Williams Antrim 

Charles Montague Cairo 

A. H. Swartout Grayling 

Thomas B. Dunstan Hancock 

J. H. Steere Sault Ste. Marie 



MINNESOTA. 



AT LARGE. 



Dwight M. Sabin Washington 

Cushman K. Davis St. Paul 

C. H. Graves Duluth 

O.B.Gould Winona 



C. D. Wright Fergus Falls 

W. G. Ward Waseca 

J. A. James Mankato 

L. P. Fluke Farmington 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Thomas H. Armstrong Albert Lea 

C. H. Conkey Preston 

2— A. M. Crosby Adrian 

L. Z.Rogers Waterville 

3— E. V. Canfield Zumbrota 

Liberty Hall Glencoe 

4— Robert B. Langdon ... Minneapolis 

Stanford Newel St. Paul 

5— Alphonso Barto Sauk Centre 

Henry G. Page Fergus Falls 



W. H. Officer Austin 

Lewis S. Peck Kasson 

Joseph Bobleter New Ulm 

Gordon Powers Granite Falls 

H. E. Barron Faribault 

W. H. Greenlief Litchfield 

J. N. Stacy Monticello 

H. F. Barker Cambridge 

H. W. Stone Morris 

Halvor Steenerson Crookston 



MISSISSIPPI. 

AT LARGE. 



Blanche K. Bruce Washington, D. C. 

James Hill Jackson 

R. F. Beck Vicksburg 

J. M. Bynum Rienzi 



Thomas W. Stringer Vicksburg 

B. F. Garrett Canton 

William Noonan Natchez 

A. M. Middlebrook Columbus 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



59 



Delegates. 



Mississippi — Continued. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



Alternates. 



1— H. C. Powers- Starkville 

W. H. Kennon Columbus 

2— John S. Barton Holly Springs 

D. T. J. Matthews Sardis 

8— W. H. Allen Friar's Point 

Wesley Creighton Vicksburg 

4— H. H. Harrington West Point 

J. W. Longstreet. Macon 

5— F. C. Granberry Lexington 

William M. Hancock Meridian 

6 — John R. Lynch Natchez 

C. A. Simpson Scranton 

7— Thomas Richardson Port Gibson 

John A. Galbreath Jackson 



F. L. Hatch Aberdeen 

W. H. Chandler Corinth 

Jerry Robinson Charleston 

F.P.Hill Sardis 

W. E. Mollison Mayersville 

J. D. Webster Greenville 

G. W. Miller West Point 

B. G. Booth Water Valley 

S. P. Hurst Lexington 

C. Simmons Meridian 

A. Newberger Natchez 

John L. Collins Bay St. Louis 

M. M. McLeod Jackson 

G. B. Matthews Hazlehurst 



MISSOURI. 

AT LARGE. 



B. M. Prentiss Bethany 

H. E. Havens Springfield 

R. T. Van Horn Kansas City 

J. B. Henderson St. Louis 



David Wagner Canton 

Chas. H. Brown Lamar 

J. M. Turner St. Louis 

T. C. Fletcher St. Louis 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Rob. D. Cramer Memphis 

J. T. Barber Hannibal 

2— Joseph H. Turner Carrollton 

A. W. Mullens Linneus 

3— J. H. Thomas Plattsburgh 

Ira B. Hyde Princeton 

4 — A. C. Dawes St. Joseph 

O. C. Hill Oregon 

5— John B. Jones Concordia 

Wm. Warner Kansas City 

6— Odm Guitar Columbia 

W. S. Shirk Sedalia 

7— Theodore Bruere ...St. Charles 

M. G. Reynolds Louisiana 

8— Henry C. Meyer... St. Louis 

John C. Benseik St. Louis 

9— Chauncey I. Filley St. Louis 

Jas. H. McLean St. Louis 

10-Fred. W. Mott ...St. Louis 

Kossuth W. Weber Farmington 

11— Edw'd Neuenhahn Hermann 

Eben B. Sankey Salem 

12 — Chas. G. Burton Nevada 

W. D. Tyler. Clinton 

13— Joseph B. Upton Bolivar 

Norman Gibbs Mt. Vernon 

14— A. B. Carroll Cape Girardeau 

Byrd Duncan Poplar Bluff 



Wm. Logan Glenwood 

C. A. Slavens Unionville 

W. B. Rogers Trenton 

J. B. Brantner Milan 

F. H. Braden .Breckenridge 

Jackson Walker Bethany 

P. A. Thompson Laugdon 

J. A. Price Weston 

A. B. Logan Warrecsburg 

C. Cryeler Independence 

O. O. Vaughn Slater 

C. R. Simpson Versailles 

Daniel Q. Gale Washington 

Ira Hall Mexico 

Antony Kessler St. Louis 

J. Ben Nichols.. St. Louis 

Jos. G. Chapman St. Louis 

Charles Schweickardt St. Louis 

Louis Grund.. St. Louis 

G. W. Mitchell Mt. Olive 

L. F. Parker... Rolla 

Jas. A. Bradshaw Richland 

R. E. Beach.... .Butler 

J. T. Burney Harrisonville 

C. C. Allen Carthage 

J. P. O'Bannon 

W.A.Love West Plains 

T. C. Watkins Charleston 



NEBRASKA. 



AT LARGE. 



Jno. M. Thurston Omaha 

Nathan S. Harwood Lincoln 

John Jenson Geneva 

Geo. A. Brooks Bazile Mills 



Leonard W. Gilchrist Wauhoo 

Emory M. Stenberg ..Omaha 

Peter Jansen Fairbury 

Albert G. Scott Kearney 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Eugene L. Reed Weeping Water 

Church Howe Auburn 

2— Wm. T. Scott York 

Geo. W. Burton Orleans 

3— Chas. P. Mathewson Norfolk 

Jno. H. MacColl Plum Creek 



Wm. Broatch Omaha 

G. Larsh Nebraska City 

Thomas H. Matters .Harvard 

Frank H. Svveezy ...Blue Hill 

Jno. W. Boggs. ...Blair 

Lucius D. Richards Fremont 



60 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

NEVADA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

C. C. Stevenson Gold Hill M. A. Murphy Hawthorne 

M. D. Foley Eureka Andrew Nichols Austin 

J. H. Rand. Elko John McNaughton Eureka 

John E. Dixon Tuscarora J. A. Palmer Carlin 

S. L. Lee Carson City Wells Drury Carson City 

A. J. Blair Pioche C. S. Young Carson City 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

AT LARGE. 

Charles H. Sawyer Dover John H. Hurd Dover 

George H. Stowell Claremont George L. Balcom Claremont 

Edward H Rollins Concord George P. Rowell Lancaster 

Joseph B. Clark Manchester Herman W. Greene Hopkinton 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Charles D. McDuffie Manchester Charles W. Talpey Farmington 

Warren Brown Hampton Falls Edward H. Gilman Exeter 

2— Frank D. Currier ..Canaan Shepard L. Bowers Newport 

Henry B. Atherton Nashua John B. Smith Hillsborough 



NEW JERSEY 

' AT LARGE. 

Wm. Walter Phelps Teaneck J.Toffey Jersey Citv 

Wm. J. Sewell Camden Fred A. Potts New York City, N. Y. 

Jno. J. Gardiner Atlantic City John Hill Boonton. N. J. 

J. Frank Fort Newark Jesse Lawson Plainfield 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Isaac T. Nichols Bridgeton 

Thomas B. Harned Camden 

2— Wm. H. Skein Trenton H. C. Gulick Barnesat City 

Mahlon Hutchinson Bordentown J. Perrot Ogden Riverton 

3— Jno. W. Herbert Wickarunk J. N. Carpenter New Brunswick 

James R.English Elizabeth D. Valentine New Brunswick 

4— Jno. I. Blair Blairstown D. W. Decker Deckertown 

Wm. H. Long Somerville Genas Ely Flemington 

5— Wm. H. Howell Morristown Donald McKay Englewood 

Watts Cook Paterson Joseph L. Cunningham Ringwood 

6— Herman Lehbach Newark Geo. W. Hubbell Newark 

Wm. Riker Newark Chas N. Theberath Newark 

7— James Gopsill Jersey City Jno. D. Carscallen Jersey City 

John Ramsey Jersey City David W. Lawrence Jersey City 



NEW YORK. 



AT LARGE. 



Theodore Roosevelt New York City Edward B. Thomas Norwich 

Andrew D. White Ithaca Henry F. Tarbox Batavia 

Jno. I. Gilbert Malone Chas. O. Tappan Potsdam 

Edwin Packard Brooklyn Pascal P. Pratt Buffalo 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Geo. Wm. Curtis West New Brighton Thomas Young Huntington 

Jno. M. Crane Jamaica John A. Kins Great Tseck 

2— Edward H. Hobbs Brooklyn John McGeehan New Lots 

Silas B. Dutcher Brooklyn W. H. N. Cadmus Brooklyn 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



61 



New York — District Delegates — Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



3— Andrew D. Baird. Brook! yn 

Geo. L. Pease Brooklyn 

4— Wm. H. Beard Brooklyn 

Martin N.Day Brooklyn 

5— Clark D. Rhinehart.. Brooklyn 

Geo. C. Bennett _ Brooklyn 

6— Jno. J. CTBrien New York 

John H. Brady New York 

7— John D. Lawson .. New York 

Cha*. N. Taintor. New York 

8— Robert G. McCord New York 

John Collins .. New York 

9— Jacob M. Pacterson New York 

George Hilliard New York 

10— Michael Cregan New York 

Bernard Biglin New York 

11— Anson G. McCook Washington, D. C. 

John R. Lydecker... New York 

12— Edmund Stephenson New York 

William Doud New York 

13— Frank Raymond New York 

John A. Eagleston New York 

14— Wm. H. Pvobertson Katonah 

Jas W. Husted Peekskill 

15— Benjamin B. Odell Newburg 

David J. Blauvelt Nyack 

16 — B. Piatt Carpenter Ponghkeepsie 

Hamilton Fish, Jr.. Garrison's 

17— Thomas Cornell Rondout 

Duncan Bailentine Andes 

18— Martin 1. Townsend Troy 

Henry G. Burleigh Whitehall 

19— Geo. Campbell, one-half tote Cohoes 

Hiram Griggs.one-ha'f vote Knowersville 

Jas. Lamb, one-half vote Cohoes 

Jas. A. Houck, one-half vote. Albany 

80— George West Ballston Springs 

John Kellogg Amsterdam 

21 — John Hammond Crown Point 

George Chahoon ...An Sable Forks 

22— Leslie W. Russell Canton 

Geo. A. Bagley Watertown 

23— W. E. Scripture Rome 

A. M. Lampher Lowville 

24— Hobart Krum Schoharie 

Titus Sheard Little Falls 

25— Carroll E. Smith Syracuse 

Henry L. Duguid Syracuse 

26— Thomas C. Piatt Owego 

Milton De Lano Canastota 

27— David D. Osborne... Auburn 

TheronG. Yeomans Walworth 

28— Jeremiah W. D wight Dry den 

Walter Lloyd Smith Elmira 

29— Stephen T. Hayt .Cirning 

Geo. K. Cornwell Penn Yan 

30— Leonard Burritt ..Spencerport 

Hulbert H. Warner Rochester 

31— James W. Wadsworth Geneseo 

Edmund L. Pitts Medina 

32— Jas. D. Warren Buffalo 

Josiah Jewett Buffalo 

33— Geo. Urban, Jr Buffalo 

Lee R.Sanborn Sanborn 

34— Frank S. Smith Angelica 

Norman M. Allen Dayton 



D. M. Northrup Brooklyn 

Geo. W. Moore Brooklyn 

J. M. Wood Brooklyn 

Geo. Marshall Brooklyn 

J. D. Cochrane Brooklyn 

Michael Buckman Brooklyn 

Maurice D. Early New York 

Patrick H. Goodwin New York 

Morris Friedsam New York 

Philip V. R.V&n Wyck New York 

John Simpson New York 

Francis Snyder New York 

GeorgeStarr New York 

George W. Coffin New York 

John R. Pope New York 

Jas. M. Turner New York 

Clarence W. Meade New York 

John McClave New York 

Charles Whitlock New York 

Joseph L. Perley .New York 

Wm.R. Spooner New York 

Chr. N. Middleton New York 

Alford Romer Pleasantville 

J. Thos. Stearns Fremont 

Abram Merritt Nyack 

Thomas W. Bradley Walden 

Willard H. Mase Matteawan 

J. Wilton Brooks Garrison's 

C. T. Connelly Esopus 

R. Hume Grant Hobart 

Wm. E. Kisselburgh Troy 

Royal C. Betts Granville 

Madison Covert West Troy 

Andrew S. Draper Albany 

Wm. H. Haskell Albany 

Nathan D.Wendell Albany 

J. S. L'Amereaux Ballston Springs 

M. L. Stoner Amsterdam 

Samuel Beman Malone 

Jerome Lapham Glens Falls 

W. L. Proctor Ogdensburg 

W. W. Butterfield Red Wood 

C. W. Hackett "Ctica 

R. J. Richardson Lowville 

Eugene Coffin Cobbleskill 

Geo. H. Thomas Middleville 

Robert Bushby Little York 

James Frazee Baldwinsville 

K. Eugene Burnell Guilford 

R. A. Stone. Binghamton 

Chas. T. Saxton ...Clyde 

W. A. Ogden Genoa 

A. H. Hood Seneca Falls 

J. B. Morris Watkins 

Jonathan Robie Bath 

Robt. L. Moody Hall's Corners 

Jonas Jones Rochester 

Dayton G. Morgan Brockport 

Jas. H. Loomis Attica 

Thomas B. Little Le Roy 

J. O. Meyer , Buffalo 

James C. Fullerton Buffalo 

Oscar H. Soale Big Tree Corners 

Isaac H. Babcock Lockport 

J. S. Whipple Salamanca 

Jerome B. Fisher Jamestown 



62 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



Delegates. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 

AT LARGE. 



Alternates. 



J. J. Mott Statesville 

W. S. Dockey Mangum 

James II. Harris Raleigh 

J. E. O'Hara Enfield 



J. T. Helleu Winston 

J. O. Wilcox Jefferson 

W. W. Arrington Helliardston 

J. 11. Young Raleigh 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— J. B.Hill Raleigh 

Elihu A. White Belvidere 

2— Isaac J. Young Rale gh 

John C. Dancy Tarboo 

3— L. W. Humphrey Goklsborough 

John S. Leary Fayetteville 

4— Char.es D. Upchurch Raleigh 

John H. Williamson Louisburg 

5- Thomas B. Keogh Greensborough 

Patrick H. Winston, Jr Winston 

6— Win, P. Bynum Charlotte 

E. J. Pennypacker Wilmington 

7-H. C. Cowles Statesville 

W. E. Henderson Salisbury 

8— Wm. S. Pearson Morganton 

L. L. Green Boone 

9— J. B. Eaves Rutherlbrdton 

T. J. Candler Ashville 



S. A. Blount Beaufort 

Hugh Cate Elizabeth City 

A. B. Abott New Berne 

W. H. Outlaw Winsor 



D. W. Fuller Smiihfield 

O. Hunter Raleigh 

J. B. Mitchell. 

C. P. Hester. 

J. W. Spaulding Whiteville 

W. W. Jenkens Charlotte 



OHIO. 



AT LARGE. 



J. B. Foraker Cincinnati 

Wm. McKinley, Jr Canton 

Mark A. Hanna Cleveland 

Wm. H. West Bellefontaine 



Rev. Jas. Poindexter Columbus 

Robert Harlan Cincinnati 

Jno. P. Green Cleveland 

Graham Dewell Springfield 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Benjamin Eggleston Cincinnati 

Wm. B. Smith Cincinnati 

2 — Amor Smith, Jr Cincinnati 

Charles Fleischman... Cincinnati 

3— Henry L. Morey ...Hamilton 

M. J. W. Holter Batavia 

4 — S.Craighead Dayton 

A. R. Byrkett Troy 

6— J. S. Robinson Kenton 

Joseph Morris Lima 

6— Albert M. Pratt Bryan 

J. N. High Napoleon 

7—11. W. McMahan Bowling Green 

W. C. Lemert Bucyrus 

8— Oscar T. Martin ... Springfield 

G. M. Eichelberger Urbana 

9— Thos. E. Duncan Mt. Gilead 

John F. Locke London 

10— C. L. Luce Toledo 

John B. Rice Fremont 

11— Alphonso Hart Hillsborough 

Chas. W. Boyd... Levauna 

12— O. 13. Gould Portsmouth 

H. S. Bundy Wellston 

13— C. D. Firestone Columbus 

C.E. Groce. Circleville 

14— Wm. I. Shriver New Lexington 

Austin W. Vorhes Pomeroy 

15— H. C. Van Vorhis Zanesville 

E. L. Lybarger Coshocton 

16-E. G. Johnson Elvria 

W. L. Sewell Mansfield 



Luke A. Staley Cincinnati 

Abe Mayer Cincinnati 

Wm. Ronsheim Cincinnati 

H. M. Guthardt Cincinnati 

A. L. Harris Eaton 

Walter S. Dilatush Lebanon 

Elijah Devor Greenville 

0. M. Gottschall Dayton 

A. M. Kuhn Wapakoneta 

Theodore Shied Fort Recovery 

E. B. Walknp Delphos 

S. G. Robertson Paulding 

J. H. Ridgeley.... Tiffin 

G. W. Kimmel Findlay 

Andrew R. Creamer Washington, C. H. 

1. W. Quinby Wilmington 

E. B. Cole Marysville 

Samuel R. Dumble Marion 

James B. Luckey Elmore 

G. W. Cleary Sandusky 

Jno. K. Pollard West Union 

Benj. F. Stone Chillicothe 

Heury S. Neal Ironton 

W. Rus Dobyns Waverly 

A. D. Leib Millersport 

A. H. Brooke... Logan 

Chauncey M. Dolcomb Gallipolis 

James D. Browu Athens 

L. K. Anderson Coshocton 

T. F. Gault Now Concord 

Geo. Adams MUlersburgh 

Thomas Appleman Loudonrifie 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



63 



Ohio— District Delegates— Continued. 



Delegates. 

17— Chas. H. Baltzell Bellaire 

M. R. Patterson Cambridge 

18— C. 11. Andrews Youngstown 

Wm. Monaghan New Lisbon 

19— E. L. Lampson Jefferson 

J. O. Converse Chardon 

20— A. L. Conger Akron 

T. D. Loomis Lodi 

21— Ed win Cowles Cleveland 

A. C. Hord Cleveland 



Alternates. 

Geo. W. Taylor Sarahsville 

John W. Doberty Woodsfield 

S. B. Campbell Steubenville 

E. C. Ross Malvern 

N. B. Sberwin Cleveland 

W. H. Johnson Mentor 

Martin L. Smyser Wooster 

Frederic J. Mullins Wooster 

Geo. T. Chapman Cleveland 

D. A. Dangler Cleveland 



OREGON. 



AT LARGE. 



Joseph N. Dolph Washington, D. C. 

John T. Apperson Oregon City 

W. J. McConnell North Yam Hill 

JohnM. Swift Baker City 

A. G. Hovey Eugene City 

O. N. Denney Portland 



PENNSYLVANIA. 



AT LARGE. 



James McManes Philadelphia 

Hamilton Disston Philadelphia 

P. L. Kimberly Sharon 

J. W. Lee Franklin 

Lewis Emery, Jr. Bradford 

W. H. Jessup Montrose 



John L. Hill Philadelphia 

William E. Littleton Philadelphia 

James S. Biery Allentown 

N. P. Reed Pittsburg 

H. T. Harvey.. Lock Haven 

JohnW. Eckman Port Kennedy 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— H. H. Bingham Philadelphia 

Wm. J Pollock Philadelphia 

2— Wm. R. Leeds Philadelphia 

David H. Lane Philadelphia 

3— Samuel B. Gilpin 

Harry Hunter Philadelphia 

4— Alex. Crowe, Jr Philadelphia 

W. Elwood Rowan Philadelphia 

5— John T. Thompson Philadelphia 

John Ruhl Philadelphia 

6— B. F. Fisher.. Schuylkill 

Richard Young Morton 

7— Robert M . Yardley Doylestown 

J. P. Hale Jenkins Norristown 

8— Samut'l R. Deppen..Robesonia Furnaces 

F. S. Livengood Reading 

9— Edwin Reimhold Marietta 

Lewie S. Hartman Lancaster 

10— Samuel Thomas Catasauqua 

Wm. S. Kirkpatrick Easton 

11— Jas. Cruikshank Danville 

Jas. C. Brown Bloomsburg 

12— Hubbard B. Payne Wilkesbarre 

Henry M. Boies Scranton 

13— J. A. M. Passmore Pottsville 

J. Y. Sollenberger Mahanoy City 

14— Horace Brock Lebanon 

Jacob H. Wagner Watsontown 

15— F. F. Lyon Barclay 

G. A. Grow Glenwood 

1&-E. G. Schieflelin Stokesdale 

C. W. Hill Williamsport 

17— Danie 1 J . Morrell John stown 

Edward Scull Somerset 

18— John Stewart Chambersburg 

S. E. Duffield McConnellsburg 



Jos. W. Thompson Philadelphia 

W. W. Alcoan Philadelphia 

H. C. Woelpepper Philadelphia 

Jacob Wildemors Philadelphia 

Wm. D.Lelar Philadelphia 

Jos. H . Klemmer Philadelphia 

Edmund R. Lyon Philadelphia 

Chas. A. Porter... Philadelphia 

Thos. J. Rose PhiladeiDhia 

Thos.W South Philadelphia 

B. F Speakman Coatesville 

G. P. Denis Chester 

Harry J. Shoemaker Tullytown 

Joseph Bosler Shoemakertown 

Charles F. Evans ..Reading 

Albert J. Brumbach Reading 

F. A. Diffenderf er Lancaster 

Jacob Wolf West Earl 

Joseph Thomas Quakertown 

Chas. F. Chidsey Easton 

W. J. Scott Nescopec 

David Keller Stroudsburg 

Morgan B. Williams Wilkesbarre 

Albert J. Ackley Chinchilla 

Chas. E. Matten Pottsville 

Heister Albright Orwigsburg 

H. H. Kreider Annville 

Joseph H. Nissley Middletown 

Benj. M. Peck Towanda 

H. B. Larrabee Bethany 

F. W. Graves Wellsboro 

M. A.Rogers Forksville 

S. B. Eldridge Johnstown 

Wm. C.Smith Bedford 

John A. Nash Huntingdon 

B. F. Wagonseller Selinsgrove 



64 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



Pennsylvania— District Delegates— Continued. 



Delegates. 

19— Wm. H.Lanius York 

Jacob A. Kitzmiller Gettysburg 

20— E. A. Itvin Curwensville 

Dr. Thomas C. Thornton Lewisburg 

•21— J. K. Ewing Uniontown 

James E. Sayers Waynesburg 

28— C. L. Magee Pittsburg 

Wm. Flynn Pittsburg 

23— Thos. M. Bayne Allegheny City 

E. M. Byers* Allegheny City 

24— E. F. Acheson Washington 

John W. Wallace New Castle 

25— J. B. Henderson Brookville 

H. C. Howard Indiana 

26— T. C. Cochran Sheakleyville 

W. H. H. Kiddle Butler 

27— E. W. Echols Franklin 

Joseph Johnson Erie 



Alternates. 

John W. Kirk New Cumberland 

A. G. Eberly Mechanicsburg 

H. O. Chapman Lock Haven 

H. H. Wensel Ridgway 

G. W T . K. Minor Uniontown 

Robt . F. Downey . . . Waynesburg 

Wm. Coates Pittsburg 

Andrew Fulton Pittsburg 

W. W. Speer .Allegheny Citv 

R. G. Wood Allegheny City 

Alex. M. Todd Washington 

Frank S . Reader New Brighton 

Geo. J. Elliott Revnoldsville 

B. F Laughlin Brady P. O. 

Geo. W. Wright Mercer 

A. H. Steele Titusville 

Charles E. Cooper Oil City 

Thos. J. Devore Springfield 



RHODE ISLAND 



AT LARGE, 



Gorham P. Pomroy Providence 

Frank M. Bates Pawtucket 

Ellery H. Wilson Rumford 

Daniel G. Littlefield Central Falls 



Warren O. Arnold Chepachet 

Frederick C. Sayles Pawtucket 

Lewis S. Woodward Pawtucket 

Henry A. Stearns Central Falls 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— William A. Steadman ..Newport 

Jno. C.Burrington Barrington 

2— Thomas C. Peckham Coventry 

Albert L. Chester Westerly 



Wm. P. Sheffield, Jr. Newport 

Samuel P. Colt Bristol 

Eugene F. Warner Coventry 

Z. Herbert Gardiuer Slocumville 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 



AT LARGE, 



Robert Smalls Beaufort 

W. N. Taft Charleston 

E. M. Brayton Columbia 

Samuel Lee Sumter 



T. E. Miller Beaufort 

J. H. Livingston Orangeburgh 

A. W.Curtis Columbia 

T. J. Tuomey Sumter 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— J. M. Freeman Charleston 

E. H. Webster Orangeburgh 

2— Paris Simpkins Edgefield 

S. E. Smith Aiken 

3-E. F. Blodgett Oconee 

R. W. Boone Newberry 

4— C. M. Wilder Columbia 

Wilson Cook Greenville 

5-C. C. Macoy Chester 

E. H. Dibble Kershaw 

6— E H. Deas Darlington 

D. T. Coibin .Charleston 

7— T. B. Johnston Sumter 

W. H. Thompson Berkeley 



S. W.McKinlay Charleston 

J. P. Wragg Charleston 

W. H.Heard Aiken 

A. S. Bascomb Robertsville 

Z. W. McMonis Newberry 

W.A.Clark Anderson 

C. J. Stolbrand Spartanburg 

J. F. Ensor Spnrtanburg 

J. N. Clinton Yorkville 

J. H. Johnson Camden 

J. A. Whittemore Sumter 

J. B. Johnston M^ysville 

D. T. Middleton Mount Pleasant 

G. E. Harriott Georgetown 



TENNESSEE. 

AT LARGE. 



W. P. Brownlow Jonesborouch 

L. C. Mouck Knoxville 

J. C. Napier Nashville 

T. F. Cassells Memphis 



W. II. Bradford Dandridce 

W.C.Hodge Chattanooga 

C. S. Moss 

J. W. Boyd. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



65 



Tennessee — Continued. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



Alternates. 



1— A. H. Pettibone Greenville 

JohnW. Brown Eogersville 

2— W. C. Chandler Sevierville 

W. C. Chumlea Maryville 

3 — H. F. Griscom Chattanooga 

F. V. Brown Jasper 

4— B. W. Burford Carthage 

JohnPruitt Gallatin 

5_W. Y. Elliott.. Murfreeeboro 

W. M. Ekin Lewisburgh 

6— H. L. W.Cheatham Nashville 

B.J. Hadley Nashville 

7— A. M. Hughes, Jr ...Columbia 

Richard Harris Pulaski 

8— S. W. Hawkins. Huntingdon 

J. C. Watson Jackson 

9— M. E. Bell Dresden 

S. A. McElwee Brownsville 

10— Carter Harris Memphis 

James H. Smith Memphis 



Allen S. Tate Rutledge 

H. C. Jarvis Sneedvilie 

N. Chumbless Kingston 

J. M. Cordell Helenwood 

Doctor Hoge Athens 

T. M. Montgomery Cleveland 

Geo. McKinnis La Fayette 

J. S. Smith Lebanon 

J. C. McAdams Shelbyville 

P. Frierson Columbia 

D. N. Neylan Nashville 

J. W. Page. Clarksville 

A. N. O. Williams Franklin 

F. A. Montague Columbia 

J. Thompson Camden 

George K. Foote Jackson 

E. W. Masley Union City 

J. P. Hill Union City 

J. L. Humbert Atoka 

Hunt Somerville Mason 



TEXAS. 



AT LARGE. 



C. C. Binkley Sherman 

N. W. Cuney Galveston 

Richard Allen .Houston 

Robert Zapp La Grange 



A. B. Norton Dallas 

George Hawkins Dallas 

Dr. Hanna .... _.'. Dennison 

J. M. Brown Fort Worth 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— R. J. Evans Nevasota 

J. B. Farris 

2— G. W. Burkitt 

J. D. Davis 

3— Webster Flan nagan Henderson 

Alex. Burge Canton 

4— A. G. Malloy Galveston 

J. R. Carter.. Jefferson 

5—0. T. Lyon Sherman 

Frank L. Cleve Gainsville 

6— Jno. S. Witner Dallas 

J. C. Akers Hillsborough 

7— B. B. Rentfro Brownsville 

H. C. Ferguson Richmond 

8— A. J. Rosenthal La Grange 

Henry Green 

9— Nathan Patton Palestine 

W. H. Blont Brenham 

10 — J. C. De Gress Austin 

Robt. Hanschke San Antonio 

11— Robert F. Campbell El Paso 

H. H. McConnell Jacksborough 



G.W. Pasco Sherman 

H. Eddy- Henrietta 

T. C. Byrne Terrell 

H. L. Dotson Fort Worth 



Euerene Marshall Dallas 

C. B. Jackson SanAngelo 



VERMONT. 



AT LARGE. 



J. Gregory Smith St. Albans 

Redfield Proctor Rutland 

Frederick Billings Woodstock 

Broughton D. Harris Brattleboro 



Jed. P. Clark Milton 

Edgar N. Bissell Shoreham 

Dudley C. Denison Royalton 

Samuel D. Hobson Brighton 



DISTRICT DELEGATES. 



1— Alonzo B. Valentine... Bennington 

Henry Ballard Burlington 

2— B. Frank Fifield Montpelier 

Truman C. Fletcher St. Johnsbury 

5 



Philip K. Gleed Morristown 

Simeon Allen Fair Haven 

Geo. H. Babbitt Rockingham 

Benjamin H. Hinman Derby 



66 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

VIRGINIA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

Win. Mahone, 

Petersburg, Va., Washington, D. C. P. C. Coerigan Newport News 

Jas. D.Brady Petersburg J. S. Pattie. New Baltimore 

F. S. Blair Richmond J. H. Ballard Abingdon 

S. M. Yost Staunton Wm. Skeen... , Covington 

W. H. Pleasants Danville Thomas V. Pry Oak Park 

A. A. Dodson Clarksville Geo. A. Martin Norfolk 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Duff Green Falmouth Morgan Treat West Point 

L. R. Steward Warsaw F. D.Lee Gloucester 

2— Harry Libbey Washington, D. C. Geo. W. Claud Boykins 

Jordan Thompson Suffolk A. H. Lindsay Portsmouth 

3— W. C. Elam Richmond J. W. Southward Richmond 

J . Anderson Taylor Richmond Jno. W. Poindexter Louisa C. H. 

4— W. E. Gaines Burkeville B. S. Hooper Farmville 

A. W. Harris Petersburgh James W. Pope Danville 

5— Wm. E. Sims Chatham H.C.Harris Richmond 

Winfield Scott FloydC.H, J.T.Howell 

6— Jas. A. Frazier Lexington J. B. Dorman Lexington 

J. M. McLaughlin Lynchburg Caesar Perkins Buckingham C. H. 

7— L. S. Walker Woodstock C. M. Zirkle Luray 

J. L. Dunn Nortonsville W. P. Moseley _ Pemberton 

8— R. L. Mitchell Alexandria John H. Deane Winchester 

Thomas G. Popham Slate Mills S. P.Bayly Alexandria 

9 — H. C. Wood , Estillville Wm. J. Dickenson Lebanon 

D. F. Houston Roanoke John H. Davis 

WEST VIRGINIA. 

AT LARGE. 

B. B. Dovener Wheeling C. H. Beall Wellsburg 

Wm. M.O. Dawson Kingvvood J. B. Lewis Fairmont 

E. L. Buttrick Charleston C.H.Payne Coal Valley 

Warren Miller Ravenswood W. C. Stiles Volcano 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— C. D. Thompson Wheeling H. W. Fisher Benwood 

T. B. Jacobs NeW Martinsville John Donahoe West Union 

2— Lamar C. Powell Fairmont J. J. Hetzel Paw Paw 

Arnold C. Sherr Maysville Arthur Linsel Grafton 

3— Neil Robinson Coalburg J.H.Brown Charleston 

J. W. Heavener Buckhannon A. M. Poundston Buckhannon 

4— B. J. Redmond West Columbia J. J. Peterson Huntington 

M. C. C. Church Parkersburg A. B.White Parkersburg 

WISCONSIN. 

AT LARGE. 

E. B. Brodhead Milwaukee Martin Field Mukwanago 

E. W. Keyes Madison R. W. Bulton City Point 

Jonathan Bowman Kilbourn City W. S. Stanley Milwaukee 

Thomas B.Scott Grand Rapids J. E. Heg Geneva 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— H. A. Cooper Racine William Meadows Lyons 

J. W. Sayles Janesville Nicholas Smith Janesvillo 

2— W. T. Rambush Juneau T. W. Spence Fond du Lac 

S. S. Barney West Bend J. T. Ware Fond du Lac 

3- Calvin Spenseley Mineral Point C. E. Buel Madison 

A. C. Dodge Monroe J. S. Waddington Argyle 

4~F. C. Winkler Milwaukee H. J. Baumgartner Milwaukee 

Edward Sanderson Milwaukee John A. Dutcher Milwaukee 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 67 

Wisconsin — District Delegates — Continued. 
Delegates. Alternates. 

5— J. H. Mead Sheboygan D. W. Stebbins Ahuapee 

C. E. Estabrook Manitowoc Wm, Carbys Mequon 

6— C. B. Clark Neenab P. F. Whiting Berlin 

A. M. Kimball. Pine River M. H. Eaton Oshkosh 

7— C. M. Butt Viroqua A. L. Slye Baraboo 

O. F. Temple Mauston James Donaldson Sparta 

8— Horace A. Taylor Hudson A.A.Arnold Galesville 

Geo. B. Shaw Eau Claire M. C. Ring Neilsville 

9— Alexander Stewart Wausau S. S.Vaughn Ashland 

O. A. Ellis Oconto G.Y. Gardner Grand Rapids 

ARIZONA. 

Clark Churchill Prrston L. H. Goodrich Phoenix 

A. H. Stebbins Tombstone William Griffith Tucson 

DAKOTA. 

AT LARGE. 

Nelson E.Nelson Pembina Byron E. Pay Brookings 

J. L. Jolly Vermillion Robert E. Wallace Jamestown 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Frank B. Conger Washington Andrew Gleason Washington 

Perry H. Carson Washington Arthur St. A. Smith Washington 

IDAHO. 

D. P.B. Pride Boise City George A. Black Hailey 

W.N. Shilling Blackfoot Hazen Squires Lewiston 

MONTANA. 

Wilbur F. Saunders Helena Mack J. Learning Fort Benton 

Lee Mantle Butte Hiram Knowles Butte 

NEW MEXICO. 



AT LARGE. 

Eugenie Romere Las Vegas T. H.Lawrence Mora 

W. H. H. Llewellyn Lincoln F. A. Thompson Socorro 

UTAH. 

EliH. Murray Salt Lake City C. C. Goodwin Salt Lake City 

Nathan Kimball Ogden JosephE. Galigher Park City 

WASHINGTON. 

AT LARGE. 

John L. Wileon Spokane William Stine Walla Walla 

George D.Hill Seat.le S. F. Sahm New Tacoma 

WYOMING. 

AT LARGE. 

James France Rawlins James M. Tisdel Rock Springs 

J. W. Meldrum Larumie City O. C. Smith Rock Springs 



68 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I move the adoption of the report of the 
committee with its recommendation. 

The President. The committee is not quite through with its report. 

Mr. Fort. I move that the report of the committee as presented be 
received and adopted by the Convention. 

Mr. McClure, of California. I second the motion. 

The President. It is moved and seconded that the report just presented 
by the Chairman of the Committee on Credentials be now adopted by the 
Convention. 

The motion was unanimously carried. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I move that the roll of the States be called, 
that they may report the members of the National Committee. 

The President. The Chair is of the opinion that the members of the 
National Committee have already been reported. 

Mr. Bayne. I am not aware of that fact. 

The President. The Secretary informs me that I am mistaken, and that 
you are right. 

Mr. Bayne. I ask, then, that that motion be put to the Convention. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I hope that motion will not be put yet; one-half 
of the delegations on this floor, I apprehend, are not ready to report. The 
custom has been for the delegates to hand in their National Committeemen at 
the close of the proceedings of the Convention; and I hope the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] will withdraw his motion, and let us act in accord- 
ance with past precedent in regard to that matter. 

Mr. Bayne. I will withdraw it, then. 

The President. The motion is withdrawn. 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

Mr. Parks, of California. The Committee on Rules and Order of Business 
have completed their labors, and have agreed upon the rules that shall govern 
this body; but upon the resolution referred to them relating to the basis of 
representation, there is a disagreement: and in order to give the minority suffi- 
cient time to prepare a minority report, the committee have agreed to make 
two reports, and they will send this up at this time and ask permission to make 
the second report afterward. While the report is going up I will say that the 
committee have adopted substantially the present rules of this body, with the 
exception that they make Cushing's Manual the governing law instead of the 
rules of Congress; otherwise they are substantially the same. 

The President. Read the report. 

The Secretary read the report, as follows : 

The Committee on Rules and Order of Business beg leave to make the 
following report : 

Rule 1. This Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each 
State equal to double the number of its Senators and Representatives in Con- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 69 

gress, and two delegates from each Territory, and two from the District of 
Columbia. 

Rule 2. This Convention shall be governed by the general parliamentary 
law, taking Cushing's Manual for authority, except so far as otherwise provided 
in the following rules. 

Rule 3. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of 
the delegates from any State, and the demand seconded by two or more States, 
and the call sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question shall then 
be proceeded with and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Rep- 
resentatives in similar cases. 

Rule 4. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be 
called in alphabetical order, and next the Territories and District of Columbia. 

Rule 5. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of 
before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon ; and the report 
of the Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Convention 
proceeds to the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President, 

Rule 6. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, and the 
District of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and Territories 
and the District of Columbia, in the order heretofore stated. 

Rule 7. In making the nominations for President and Vice-President, in 
no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it shall appear 
that any candidate has received a majority of the votes cast, the President of 
the Convention shall announce the question to be : " Shall the nomination of 
the candidate be made unanimous ? " But if no candidate shall have received 
a majority of the votes, the Chair shall direct the vote to be again taken, which 
shall be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the 
votes cast ; and when any State has announced its vote it shall so stand until 
the ballot is announced, unless in case of numerical error. 

Rule 8. In the record of the vote by States, the vote of each State, Terri- 
tory, and the District of Columbia, shall be announced by the Chairman ; and 
in case the vote of any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, shall be 
divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes cast for any candi- 
date, or for or against any proposition ; but if exception is taken by any 
delegate to the correctness of such announcement by the Chairman of his 
delegation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of members of 
such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in accordance 
with the votes individually given. 

Rule 9. No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, 
nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention, except in the 
presentation of names of candidates. 

Rule 10. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist 
of one member from each State, Territory and the District of Columbia, repre- 
sented in this Convention. The roll shall be called and the delegation from 
each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, shall name, through their 
Chairman, a person to act as a member of such committee. Such committee 
shall prescribe a method or methods for the election of the delegates to the 



70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

National Convention to be held in 1888, announce the same to the country, and 
issue a call for that Convention in conformity therewith. Provided, that such 
methods or rules shall include and secure to the several Congressional districts 
in the United States the right to elect their own delegates to the National 
Convention. 

Rule 11. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the 
Committee on Resolutions without debate. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

W. H. PARKS, Chairman. 

Henry B. Atherton, Secretary. 

Mr. Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. I desire to offer a substitute for 
Rule 10, relating to the duties of the National Republican Committee. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward to the desk. 

The Secretary. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves to amend Rule 
10 so as to read as follows: 

A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia. The roll 
shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, and the District 
of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, a person who shall act as a 
member of such committee. Such committee shall issue the call for the 
meeting of the National Convention six months at least before the time fixed 
for said meeting; and each Congressional district in the United States shall 
elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomina- 
tion for a member of Congress is made in said district ; and in the Territories 
the delegate to the Convention shall be elected in the same way as the nomi- 
nation of a delegate to Congress is made; and said National Committee shall 
prescribe the mode for electing the delegate for the District of Columbia. An 
alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case 
of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the 
same time as the delegate is elected. 

Mr. Grow. I do not propose to occupy the attention of this Convention 
but a few moments. All the substitute does is to make specific the mode of 
electing the delegates and their alternates, instead of leaving it to the National 
Committee to prescribe two or three different forms, and thus make confusion 
in the election; no form at all, in reality. Rule 10 is the rule providing for the 
election of delegates; and leaves it to the National Republican Committee to 
provide the plan and announce it. The rule did not provide for alternates 
before. It tells them to elect them, but don't tell them how to do it, This 
makes it specific, that is all. My substitute simply provides that each Congres- 
sional District shall elect its delegate in the same way they nominate a member 
of Congress, and the delegates in the Territories shall be elected in the same way 
that they nominate their delegate to Congress. It avoids all confusion; it goes 
home to the people; it is the same method that they have established of elect- 
ing the representatives to make their laws and speak in the councils of the 
Republic. What better mode can there be ? Let the delegates go to the National 
Convention in the same mode, the same method that the people elect their 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 71 

lawmakers, and those who are to announce the great doctrines that are laid 
down in the platforms of the political organizations of the country; that is all, 
Mr. President, there is in the substitute. 

I have only one other word to say. I do not propose it as a part of this sub- 
stitute, but it strikes me that it would be the part of wisdom if the delegation 
was less instead of greater; so that the Republican National Convention should 
be more of a deliberative body. For years the Republican National Conventions 
have settled the ideas and principles which prevail in this government, and 
which go into the legislation of the country. We announce the principles of 
the political party of the Republic that go into the law; first, they enter into 
the education of the people, into their ideas; next, they become a part of the 
fundamental doctrines of the Republican party. Then, if the delegations were 
less instead of greater, I think it would be a wise move ; but my substitute pro- 
vides nothing but a definite mode for the election of delegates. 

Mr. Wm. H. Parks, of California. If I understand the amendment cor- 
rectly, there can be no objection to it. I understand it adopts the same manner, 
but points it out more specifically than we have in the committee report. I 
would like to hear the amendment read once more which the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania offers. [Calls for reading of Rule 10 and the amendment.] Mr. 
President, will you be kind enough to have Rule 10 and the amendment read 
afterward ? 

The Secretary again read the rule and the amendment. 

Mr. Grow. There seems to be a confusion about the delegates-at-large. 
The first resolution reported by the Committee on Rules, provides that the 
National Convention of the Republican party shall consist in each State of twice 
the number of the Senators and members of the House of Representatives from 
that State. That leaves the delegates-at-large to be elected by a State Conven- 
tion, and I say nothing about it ; it would simply make confusion. This only 
provides how the delegates shall be elected in Congressional Districts, leaving 
two to each Territory, and two to the District of Columbia ; but the National 
Committee must prescribe the mode of electing in the District of Columbia, as 
they don't send a delegate to Congress. In the Territories the machinery is all 
in operation, and under party organization. And we need not interfere with it. 

Mr. Parks. I see no objection to the amendment. It simply provides that 
this Convention shall determine how the delegates shall be elected, instead of 
leaving it discretionary with the National Committee. If this Convention 
desires to exercise that right, it certainly has the right to do so. [Calls for the 
question.] 

The President. The question before the Convention is upon the adoption 
of the substitute offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Grow]. 

Mr. Hugh A. Carson, of Alabama. I would make a suggestion to the 
gentleman who has offered the amendment, or the substitute, that in some of 
the Southern States no candidates for Congress are nominated at all in some of 
the districts ; and therefore, there is no known means — there are no known 
ways by which it could be decided by a future National Convention, whether 
or not the delegates had been elected in the usual mode of nominating candi- 



72 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

dates for members of Congress ; and it might lead to confusion in the future. 
The reason why these nominations are«not made in the Southern districts — in 
some of them, at least — is too obvious to this Convention to need any comment 
now. I only suggest it in order that it may now be considered rather than be 
considered by some Convention in the future. 

The President put the question, and the substitute was adopted. 

Mr. Parks. The Committee on Rules unintentionally failed to provide for 
the order of business. And I have prepared an amendment to send up for the 
consideration of the Convention, that it may be settled in its order. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I ask to hear the rule read which determines 
the number of ballots necessary to nominate in this Convention. 

Mr. Conger, of the District of Columbia. I submit that having adopted 
the substitute, it is now in order to proceed to vote on the original motion. 

The President. There is an amendment sent up to the report by the gen- 
tleman from California [Mr. Parks], which is the question, or will be the ques- 
tion when it shall have been read. 

Mr. Parks. The motion has not been put for the adoption of the rules, 
and I propose this additional one. 

The President. The report will be read as presented by the gentleman 
from California. 

The Secretary. The gentleman from California [Mr. Parks], from the 
Committee on Rules and Order of Business, submits the following additional 
report : 

Rule 12. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business, 
commencing after the reports of the Committee on Credentials and Rules : 

First — Report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions. 

Second — Presentation of candidates for President. 

Third— Balloting. 

Fourth — Presentation of candidates for Vice-President. 

Fifth— Balloting. 

The President. Does the gentleman from California offer this as an addi- 
tion to a rule, or as a new rule ? 

Mr. Parks. As a new rule. I was laboring under a mistake. I thought 
the vote had been taken on the adoption of these rules, and intended to submit 
this for the consideration of the Convention. 

The President. That report has not yet been adopted. 

Mr. Parks. But as it is there, I will consider it as a new rule offered by 
myself. 

The President. You offer this as an amendment to the report ? 

Mr. Parks. Yes, sir. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the new rule moved 
as an amendment by the gentleman from California. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. Those propositions do not seem to embrace 
all that we require to handle this Convention. No provision is made for the 
reception of the names on the call of the States for the report of the members 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 73 

of the National Committee. If that matter be corrected, I, for one, am per- 
fectly satisfied with the proposition. 

The President. The Chair is of the opinion that the gentleman is 
mistaken. 

The Secretary. There is a rule on that subject. 

The President. There is a rule. It will be read by the Secretary. 

Mr. Bayne. I ask that the rule be read. 

The Secretary. It is a part of the substitute offered by the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania. [Reading.] 

"A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, represented 
in this Convention. The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each 
State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, 
a person to act as a member of such committee " 

Mr. Bayne. Which is quite true, but no time is fixed by the proposition 
submitted by the committee for the call of the States for such report. I move, 
as a sixth proposition, and as an amendment to the proposition of my friend 
from California, that the Chairmen of the respective delegations be authorized 
to hand in to the Secretary of the Convention the names of the members of the 
National Committee chosen by the respective delegations at any time; and if 
there be any controversy in respect to any choice, that matter can be corrected 
afterward. 

The President. Will the gentleman be so kind as to reduce his proposition 
to writing, and send it to the desk? 

Mr. Thueston, of Nebraska. I understood from the reading of one of the 
rules that ^t provided for a nomination by this Convention of the man who 
received a majority of the votes cast. If that be so, or, in order to determine if 
it be so, I ask to hear that rule read before the adoption of this report, in order, 
if such be the case, to offer an amendment that it shall require a majority of all 
the votes of this Convention to nominate a candidate. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] offers the 
following as an amendment to the rule offered by the gentleman from Cali- 
fornia [Mr. Parks], 

Mr. Bayne. I desire to make a motion that that proposition be inserted 
immediately before the beginning of the first ballot for the nomination of the 
candidates for President. 

The President. What rule does that gentleman refer to? Rule 7 ? 

Mr. Bayne. The last proposition submitted by the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The President. The Secretary will connect it together and read it. 

The Secretary. To be inserted before the presentation of candidates for 
President, do I understand? 

Mr. Bayne. Yes, sir. 

The Secretary. To read that the roll of the States be called to report 
the members of the National Committee in the order of business. 

Mr. Parks. I accept the amendment. 



74 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The President. The amendment being accepted, the question now is 

Mr. Grow. Now, let it be read as amended. 

. The Secretary read the rule offered by Mr. Parks, of California. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. Mr. President : A question of inquiry. This is 
a matter of importance. Suppose this rule is adopted and the roll of the States 
is peremptorily called at the period designated. It may in future Conventions 
work all right, but it is taking the present Convention by surprise. There are 
many delegations who have not selected their committeeman. We want some 
provision so that we will not be disfranchised by some iron rule adopted on the 
spur of the moment without deliberation or consideration 

Mr. Parks. If the gentleman will allow me 

The President. Does the gentleman yield to the gentleman from Cali- 
fornia? 

Mr. Houck. I will yield one moment. 

Mr. Parks. I would make a suggestion to him that if there are any delega- 
tions that have not selected their candidate they can ask to have the State 
passed until they do so. That obviates all objections. 

Mr. Houck. I was about to say, Mr. President, that the better rule, if you 
are going to have a rule on this question at all, and take it out of the discretion 
of the Convention, would be to have a provision, if a State is not ready to re- 
port, that they may hand in the name at any time after it is acted upon and the 
name is designated by a majority of the delegation; and I offer that as a proviso. 
Will you accept that, Mr. Bayne? 

Mr. Bayne. Yes, provided any State be not ready to report 

Mr. Houck. That they may hand in the name at any time. * Language 
that will make that read with that sense will satisfy me. 

The President. The proviso offered having been accepted, the question 
now before the Convention is upon the new rule as amended, offered by the 
gentleman from California. Is the house ready for the question? 

The question being put, the rule was adopted. 

Mr. McClure, of California. I move the adoption of the report as amended. 

Mr. Saunders, of Montana. I ask the gentleman from California to per- 
mit the making of this amendment and the explanation of its effect by Senator 
Hoar, of Massachusetts. 

The President. Does the gentleman from California [Mr. McClure] yield? 

Mr. McClure. I yield. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. Can we have read the rule relating to the 
manner of balloting? We do not understand it — the number of votes necessary 
to elect. 

The President. It shall be read in a moment. The question now pending 
is the amendment to the rule offered by the gentleman on the left [Mr. 
Saunders]. 

The Secretary read the amendment as follows : 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 75 

Members of such committee shall be eligible to seats in the Electoral College. 

The President. The Chair is constrained to declare the amendment out of 
order. The rules have already been adopted, and can not thus now be amended. 

Mr. Bayne. I rise to make an inquiry. Have the rules recommended 
by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business been adopted by the Con- 
vention ? 

The President. No, sir; not as yet. 

Mr. Bayne. They have not ? 

The President. That is, the report has not yet been adopted. 

Mr. Bayne. I now move, sir, the adoption of that report; and upon that 
motion demand the previous question. 

Mr. Roosevelt, of New York. Will the gentleman give way for one 
moment for a question for information ? 

The President. Does the gentleman yield ? 

Mr. Bayne. I do not yield my motion. I will yield to the inquiry of the 
gentleman from New York. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves the adoption of 
the report, and upon that motion calls for the previous question. 

Mr. Roosevelt. The gentleman has given way to me for a question of 
information. I thank the gentleman for his courtesy. My question for infor- 
mation is, Has there not been a minority report prepared or presented, as I cer- 
tainly understood there was to be by certain members of the committee, look- 
ing to a reorganization of the representation in this Convention — in the next 
Convention ? I did not understand from the reading of the rules, and neither did 
several of the members who are round about me, what provisions, if any, were 
made for the representation of Republicans in future National Conventions; but 
I knew that there had been a strong feeling among certain members of the com- 
mittee itself, as well as among the Convention at large, that there should be 
some reorganization by which the number of delegates to the next Convention 
should be more nearly proportionate to the Republican votes cast in their 
respective States; and I merely rose to ask if any such minority report had been 
presented. 

Mr. Parks. I stated when I made my report, that the committee had 
withheld the report upon tnat resolution, and would make it as soon as the 
minority could prepare their report. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I did not understand that, and I did not distinctly hear 
the remarks made b}^ the gentleman from California when he first got up. I 
withdraw the question I made. 

Mr. Bayne. I demand the previous question on my motion for the adoption 
of the report. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves the adoption of 
the report, and upon that motion calls for the previous question. 

Mr. Russell, of New York. Will the gentleman give way for one moment? 

The President. Does the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Bayne. I do not withdraw, but I do submit to an inquir3 r . 

The President. The gentleman will proceed. 



76 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Russell. I submit that if Rule 1, as it is now reported, is adopted, 
there is no use of submitting the minority report. 

Mr. Bayne. That matter has been canvassed by the committee. 

Mr. Russell. One moment. I believe I have the floor. 

Mr. Bayne. It was merely for an inquiry, and the gentleman is proceed- 
ing 

Mr. Russell. I am going to ask a question. I ask information from the 
Chair, whether, if Rule 1 be adopted, a minority report upon the subject of 
representation will hereafter be in order, or can the Convention take any action 
upon that subject? And I ask for the reading of Rule 1. 

The President. Does the gentleman yield ? 

Mr. Bayne. No, sir; I do not yield. I will only say that my friend is mis- 
taken about that altogether. 

The President. The question before the Convention is, will the Conven- 
tion now sustain the previous question? 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I rise to make an inquiry of the President 
of this Convention. 

The President. The Chair must decide that the gentleman is out of order. 
The question is not debatable. 

Mr. Geo. R. Davis, of Illinois. I rise to a question of order. Is it not 
necessary that two names should second the previous question before the ques- 
tion is put? 

The President. The gentleman is right about that. 

Mr. L. H. Roots, of Arkansas. I wish the gentleman would yield for a 
moment to the gentleman from Nebraska to offer an amendment. 

Mr. Bayne. I yield to the gentleman from Nebraska. 

The President. The gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Thurston] is entitled 
to the floor. 

Mr. Thurston. Some time since I made a request for the reading of one 
of the rules reported by this committee, for the purpose of informing many 
gentlemen upon this floor as to what it was that they were to vote upon here; 
and asked the Chair that that might be done for the further purpose of giving 
me an opportunity to move an amendment to that rule, if it read as I under- 
stood it. 

The President. What is the number of the rule that the gentleman wants 
read? 

Mr. Thurston. It is the rule relating to the number of votes necessary to 
nominate a candidate by this Convention. 

The President. The Secretary will proceed to read the rule number 
seven. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

When it shall appear that any candidate has received a majority of the votes 
cast, the President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: Shall 
the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous? 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. Ti 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. That is, " of the votes cast? " 

The President. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thurston. Now, Mr. President, I understood that the President of 
this Convention promised me an opportunity to have this read and to move an 
amendment. 

Mr. Davis, of Illinois. All that is necessary is to vote down the previous 
question. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I do not apprehend that the time will ever 
come when less than a majority of this Convention will nominate any man; 
but, sir, I believe that if any rule should be adopted and enforced in this Con- 
vention, by which a minority of its duly elected representatives should attempt 
to force upon the Republican party of this Nation a candidate, that such action 
should be repudiated by the freemen of America. And I move you, sir, to 
strike out the word "cast," and insert, in lieu thereof, "all the votes of the 
Convention," and make it so it will read: " a majority of all the votes of the 
Convention" — " a majority of all the delegates elected and having seats upon 
the floor of the Convention." I will reduce my amendment to writing, and 
send it up to the Chair. 

The President. You will please do so. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I accept that amendment so far as I am 
individually concerned. I think that is the meaning of the rule as it is. It 
never was intended to be anything else. I cheerfully myself accept that amend- 
ment, because it ought to be the rule. 

The President. It is not in the power of the gentleman to accept it. It is 
a question for the Convention. 

Mr. Davis, of Illinois. I desire to have read that rule which requires the 
previous question to be seconded by two States, for this reason: that the gen- 
tleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] presumes to hold this floor upon a 
simple motion for the previous question, when he is not entitled to it until it is 
so seconded. 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois is entirely correct, and the 
Chair was about to call the attention of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to 
the fact, which the Chair assumed was the fact at the time. 

Mr. Davis. I want to hear read the rule that we are working under. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I wish to ask the gentleman from Penn 
sylvania a question. I wish my friend from Pennsylvania would tell me 
whether, under this rule, the President has not authority to announce that some 
candidate has received a majority pending the roll call. 

Mr. Bayne. No, sir. 

Mr. Winston. Yes, he has. This rule says : " Whenever it shall appear 
during the call of the roll that a candidate has a majority, the Chairman shall 
then" stop the business of the Convention, and ask that it be made unanimous. 
I am opposed to that. I don't want that until the roll call is ended. I move 
that as an amendment. 

The President. The Chair will assure the gentleman, that, whatever the 
rule is, this Chair would never decide anybody nominated until the roll call 
was finished. 



78 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania. I beg my colleague to withdraw for a 
moment. There seems to be a great confusion on a question that I do not think 
there is any ambiguity in. I propose to add by unanimous consent now — the 
gentlemen can all hear me, therefore — some gentleman raised the question that 
the substitute that I offered and the Convention adopted, leaves it uncertain 
how delegates-at-large are" to be elected. I do not think that there is any 
ambiguity about it ; but by unanimous consent, Mr. President, I ask that there 
be added at the end of the substitute that was adopted: " And the delegates- 
at-large for each State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions 
in their respective States." And then there can be no ambiguity. I ask unan- 
imous consent to that. I suppose no one objects. 

The President. If there is no objection, the amendment will be made by 
the Clerk. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. The following amendment I under- 
stand to be accepted by the gentleman from Pennsylvania: "Whenever it 
shall appear at the end of any roll call that a candidate has a majority of all 
the delegates elected to this Convention." 

Mr. Batne. No objection in the world to the amendment. 

Mr. Russell, of New York. Is the pending question upon the adoption 
now of the report of the committee as amended? 

The President. The Chair is waiting for the gentleman from Nebraska to 
send up his amendment. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I sent it up by some page on the floor some 
moments ago. 

The President. The amendment has not arrived yet. 

Mr. Russell. If the Chair will recognize me, pending the coming of that 
amendment, I move to amend the motion to adopt the report by adding these 
words: "With leave to the minority of the committee to submit its report, 
and for the Convention to act thereon." 

The President. While we are considering the amendment of the gentleman 
from Nebraska [Mr. Thurston], will the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Russell] prepare his amendment and send it up ? 

Mr. Winston. The amendment which I made was accepted by the gentle- 
man from Pennsylvania. 

The President. The Chair will inquire of the gentleman from Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr. Bayne] whether his call for the previous question is made on behalf 
of the delegation from Pennsylvania and seconded by two other States. 

A Delegate. I desire to call the attention of the Chair to this one 
fact. We can not hear anything that emanates from the President of this 
Convention either owing to the confusion near us or to the hoarseness of the 
President. 

The President. Gentlemen, will you come to order in the Convention ? 
We can not transact business in this way. There is too much confusion. 

Mr. Bayne. I made a motion to adopt the report of the Committee on 
Rules. On that motion I demanded the previous question. That motion has 
not been put. That demand can not be made except, as I understand, I am 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 79 

authorized by my State. That demand has not been seconded as required. I 
have yielded to one after another to make such motions and amendments as 
any gentleman of this Convention might deem proper. I have no idea in the 
world of applying any gag rule that will shut out any proper correction of 
these rules ; and I submitted to the gentleman from Nebraska, and to other 
gentlemen. My only object is to arrive at some conclusion and to settle this 
matter, that we may proceed with some degree of rapidity with the delibera- 
tions of this Convention. 

The President. The question now before the Convention is the adoption 
of the report of the committee. 

Mr. Bayne. I accept, sir, the amendment of the gentleman from Nebraska 
[Mr. Thurston]. 

Mr. Eussell. Do you accept my amendment, also ? 

Mr. Bayne . What was your amendment ? I have not heard it. 

The Secretary read the amendment, as follows : 

"Whenever it shall appear at the end of any ballot, or roll call, that any 
candidate has received a majority of all the votes to which the Convention, by 
the call of the National Committee, is entitled " 

Mr. J. A. King, of New Tork. Before the taking of the vote upon the 
adoption of this report, I move, sir, that the Secretary read to us the report in 
full, as now amended. There have been many amendments, and we want to 
know precisely what it is. I mean the amendments ; not the whole report, 
but the rule as amended. 

Mr. Saunders, of Montana. I rise to a question of order. I offered an 
amendment to Rule 10, and moved its adoption, and it was seconded ; it has 
not been put. I am satisfied that every man in this Convention will favor it if 
he comprehends its significance ; and for that purpose I ask the honorable gen- 
tleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] to explain it, saying simply that I wish 
to secure the same end by the substitute, which changes only the verbiage of 
the amendment which I offered. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward. Mr. Saunders, of 
Montana, offers the following amendment to Rule 10. 

The Secretary read the amendment, as follows : 

Amendment to Rule 10. Provided that no person shall be a member of 
the committee who is not eligible as a member of the Electoral College. 

Mr. Saunders. I wish to hear from the gentleman from Massachusetts, on 
that question. 

Mr. Geo. F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. The gentleman from Montana [Mr. 
Saunders] asked me to explain, for the information of the Convention, the law 
passed by Congress a year ago, commonly known as the Civil Service act. It 
was not the purpose of that law to prohibit any Federal officer from exercising 
all the rights of an American citizen. It is expected that he may contribute of 
his service or of his money to the cause of the political party to which he 



80 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

belongs, as lie would to the cause of his church or to any religious or humane 
enterprise. That law was enacted to prohibit the exercise of official power 
over men in official places; and to that end the provision, a most stringent pro- 
vision, has been enacted, that no person holding a Federal office shall directly 
or indirectly receive or solicit a contribution of money from any other person 
holding such office. 

Now, if a Federal officer, whatever his office may be, whether member of 
Congress, or executive or judicial officer, be a member of the National Com- 
mittee, it will clearly be an offense which will subject him to imprisonment 
and fine, if that committee, either by itself or by its treasurer, shall receive a 
contribution of money from any other Federal officer. By placing upon the 
National Committee, therefore, a gentleman holding such office, you have pro- 
hibited every one of your fellow-citizens in the service of the government from 
aiding in this campaign by a contribution of money. And I suppose it was the 
purpose of the gentleman from Montana [Mr. Saunders] to have that clearly 
understood by the Convention in calling upon me to say what I have — that 
no person holding a Federal office under the Constitution of the United States 
can be a member of the Electoral College. 

Mr. James Hill, of Mississippi. I would like to ask the gentleman from 
Massachusetts a question. 

The President. Does the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Hoar. I yield. 

Mr. Hill. If the Convention that meets here — the members of this Con- 
vention who are Federal office-holders — can come here and create a committee 
for the purpose of soliciting, receiving and disbursing moneys for party pur- 
poses, is not that, sir, indirectly on our part doing something that that law pro- 
hibits? 

Mr. Hoar. That law does not prohibit the receipt of such a contribution 
by a Federal officer. 

Mr. Hill. Indirectly ? 

Mr. Hoar. It does not, directly or indirectly. It does not prohibit 
the giving of such a contribution by a Federal officer. It does prohibit the 
making of a contribution by one Federal officer to any organization of which 
another Federal officer is a member. And I will state further, that the Con- 
gressional National Committee of the Republican party, of which I have 
the honor to be a member, had a meeting in Washington a few days ago, call- 
ing to their council such members of the National Committee as were in the 
neighborhood, and they unanimously agreed to recommend to this Convention 
to make such provision that no Federal officer should be a member of the 
National Committee. 

Mr. King, of New York. I renew my motion that such rules as have been 
amended shall now be read for the information of the Convention. 

The President. The question now is upon the amendment offered by Mr. 
Saunders, of Montana. 

Mr. Joseph: N. Dolph, of Oregon. I move to lay that resolution on the 
table. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 81 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I hope not. That would carry the report of 
the committee; and I hope my friend will withdraw that motion. 

Mr. Dolph. These rules are not adopted yet. We are acting under the rules 
of the House of Representatives. 

The President put the question on the adoption of Mr. Saunders' 
motion, and it was declared carried. A division was called for. 

The President. The Clerk will again read the amendment of the gentle- 
man from Montana for the information of the Convention. 

The Clerk read the proposed amendment to Rule 10, as follows : 

Provided, That no person shall be»a member of the committee who is not 
eligible as a member of the Electoral College. 

The President. The Chair will again put the motion. 

The amendment was again put, and adopted. 

Mr. Bayne. There is only one more amendment, proposed by the gentle- 
man from New York [Gen. Russell]. I have no objection to that. 

The President. What is the amendment proposed by the gentleman from 
New York? 

Mr. Russell. I have sent my amendment up. 

Mr. King. I would like to have Rule 10 read, as amended. 

The President. In one moment. 

The Secretary. Mr. Russell, of New York, moves to amend, as follows : 

With leave to the minority of the committee to submit a report, and the 
Convention to act thereon. 

Mr. Bayne. There is no objection to that. 

Mr. John S. Leary, of North Carolina. I wish to state that on Tuesday, 
the first day of the session of this Convention, the gentleman from Massachu- 
setts [Mr. Pierce, I believe] introduced a resolution in regard to the apportion- 
ment of delegates to the National Convention. That resolution, by a vote of 
the Convention, was referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 
When the Committee on Rules and Order of Business had met, they took into con- 
sideration that resolution, and that committee had presented to it various propo- 
sitions; one by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne], another by the 
gentleman from New York, a member of the Committee [Mr. Chahoon]. The 
committee acted on these various propositions, and they adopted a resolution 
leaving the representation as it now exists. There were some gentlemen in the 
committee who did not agree with the majority. They said that they would 
make a minority report. The Chairman of that committee [Mr. Parks, from 
California] made the report this morning, and he stated that the resolution had 
been adopted by the committee ; but in consequence of the fact that several 
gentlemen of the committee intended to make a minority report, he withheld 
that in order that he might make that report. Now, sir, I call attention to the 
resolution introduced by the gentleman from Massachusetts, that it gives the 



82 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

committee leave to report on that particular rule at any time before the voting 
for a candidate for President of the United States. 

Mr. King, of New York, Now, Mr. Chairman, I move again that the rules, 
where they have been amended, be now read. 

The President. One moment. The question before the Convention is 
upon the adoption of the motion made by the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Russell]. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Bayne accepts my amendment. 

Mr. Bayne. I have no objection to it. 

The amendment was put and carried. 

The President. The question now is upon the adoption of the report. 

Mr. King. I move that the amendments, as they have been made, be read 
in connection with the rules, before we vote. 

The President. It is asked that the report now be read by the Clerk. The 
Clerk will read all those clauses which have been amended, as amended. 

The Secretary. The following is Rule No. 7, as amended : 

In making the nominations for President and Vice-President, in no case 
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it appears, at the close of 
any roll call, that any candidate has received a majority of all the votes to 
which the Convention, by the call of the National Committee, is entitled, the 
President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: "Shall the 
nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" 

The Secretary. Rule 10, as amended, is as follows: "A Republican 
National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of two members from each 
State, Territory" [Cries of " One member."] 

Mr. Russell, of New York. A clerical error. "One" is right. 

The Secretary. I am reading as amended. 

Mr. Russell. No: " one " is right. 

The Secretary resumed : 

A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia. The roll 
shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, and the District 
of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, a person to act as a member of 
such committee; provided that no person shall be a member of the committee 
who is not eligible as a member of the Electoral College. Said committee shall 
issue the call for the meeting of the National Convention six months at least 
before the time fixed for said meeting; and each Congressional District in the 
United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same 
way as the nomination of a Member of Congress is made in said District; and 
in the Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected in the same 
way as the nomination of Delegates to Congress is made; and said National 
Convention shall prescribe the mode of electing the delegates for the District of 
Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, 
to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same way 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 83 

and at the same time as the delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large for each 
State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their re- 
spective States. 

The Secretary. Mr. Russell moved that the minority of the committee 
have leave to submit a report and the Convention to act thereon. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. A matter of inquiry. 

The President. The gentleman is entitled to the floor. 

Mr. Houck. I want to call attention to the phraseology of the rule in refer- 
ence to the calling of the roll. Under that phraseology, as I understand it, 
each delegate would be required to answer to his individual name every time a 
vote is taken, as I understand it. 

Several Delegates. Oh, no. 

Mr. Houck. I will ask that it be read again, that we may know. 

The President. The Secretary will read Rule 6, which has already been 
adopted. 

Mr. Houck. If that be true, it is satisfactory to me. 

Mr. Parks, of California. I want to state that the amendment proposed by 
my friend on the left, and last read, is of no value whatever. The committee 
have reported on the rule, and, when in order, will report upon the resolution 
that was referred to them. It is a right they have. The matter was referred to 
them entirely separate from the rules, and they are prepared to report as soon as 
the Convention disposes of these rules. 

The President. Read Rule 6. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

Rule 6. "When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, and the 
District of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States, Territories, 
and the District of Columbia, in the order hereinbefore stated. 

The President. The question before the Convention is upon the adoption 
of the report as amended. 

The motion to adopt was agreed to unanimously. 

The President. The report is adopted. 

Mr. Parks. The Committee on Rules desire to make a report upon the 
resolution referred to them in reference to the apportionment of delegates to the 
next Convention. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward to the desk. 

Mr. Parks. I desire to state on my own behalf that I shall send this report 
up without debate as far as I am concerned. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

The majority of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, who were 
directed to inquire into the subject of revising the apportionment of delegates 
to future National Conventions, have considered the same, and respectfully 
report the following resolution: 



84 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Resolved, That in future Republican National Conventions representation by 
delegates shall be as follows : 

First. — Each State shall be entitled to four delegates-at-large and to two- 
additional delegates-at-large for each representative-at-large, if any, elected in 
such State at the last preceding Congressional election. 

Second. — Each Territory and the District of Columbia shall be entitled to 
two delegates. 

Third. — Each Congressional District shall be entitled to two delegates. 

W. H. PARKS, Chairman. 
Henry B. Atherton, Secretary. 

Mr. Bishop, of Massachusetts. On behalf of a minority of the Committee on 
Rules and Order of Business, consisting of delegates from New York, Indiana, 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Michigan, New Jersey, New Hampshire, "West 
Virginia, and other States, I have the honor, with the leave of the Convention, 
to present the minority report; and move the substitution of this report for the 
report of the committee; and I ask that the report of the minority be now read. 

The President. It will be read. 

The Secretary read the report as follows: 

The undersigned, a minority of the Committee on Rules and Order of Busi- 
ness, who were directed to inquire into the subject of revising the apportion- 
ment of delegates to future National Conventions, being unable to agree with 
the conclusions of the majority of the committee on this subject, recommend 
the adoption of the following resolution : 

Resolved, That in future Republican National Conventions representation by 
delegates shall be as follows : 

First. Each State shall be entitled to four delegates-at-large and to one ad- 
ditional delegate-at-large for each Representative-at-large, if any, elected in said 
State at the last preceding Presidential election . 

Second. Each Territory and the District of Columbia shall be entitled to 
two delegates-at-large. 

Ihird. Each Congressional district shall be entitled to one delegate, and an 
additional delegate for every 10,000 votes, or majority faction thereof, cast for 
the Republican Presidential electoral ticket at the last preceding Presidential 
election. 

Fourth. The Republican National Committee shall, within the year follow- 
ing each Presidential election, ascertain and certify the representation to which 
each State and District will be hereby entitled in the next following National 
Convention. 

GEORGE CHAHOON, of New York. 
GEORGE REILEY, of Indiana. 
ROBERT R. BISHOP, of Massachusetts. 
EBENEZER J. HILL, of Connecticut. 
GEORGE W. BELL, of Michigan. 
JOHN J. GARDNER, of New Jersey. 
HENRY B. ATHERTON, of New Hampshire. 
WM. M. O. DAWSON, of West Virginia. 

Mr. Nathan Patton, of Texas . I move to lay that on the table . 
The President. The motion is out of order. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 85 

Mr . Bishop. I will occupy but a moment in speaking in support of this 
report. The spirit of the Eepublican party is equality, absolute equality. 
The present method of selecting delegates to the National Convention is un- 
equal, and therefore unjust. Under the present method, 2,000 Republicans in 
one State have as much power as 7,000 Republicans in another State . The 
object of this motion is to bring about, as nearly as possible, equality between 
the Republicans of the country; so that the Republican National Convention 
shall be a true exponent of the Republicans of the country . Various State 
Conventions — many of them — have passed resolutions directing their delegates 
to advocate the adoption of such a method of equality here . On behalf of the 
Republicans of my own State, which passed such a resolution, I move the 
substitution of this report. 

Mr. William R. Gardiner, of Indiana. I rise, sir, to second the motion 
of the gentleman from Massachusetts, for the adoption of the minority report ; 
and to express the hope that it will be adopted by this Convention. I do not 
intend, sir, to make any extended remarks upon the subject. It seems to me 
that the proposition is so entirely in keeping with the genius of the established 
institutions of the country as to meet with the hearty concurrence of every fair 
Republican in this Convention. As I understand it, sir, it does not decrease 
the representation of any district in the Republic, but only adds to that repre- 
sentation in accordance with the number of votes that each district may have. 
That, sir, we in Indiana consider to be just; and we intend to vote for the 
adoption of the minority report. 

Mr.W. O.Bradley, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Con- 
vention: For the first time in the history of the Nation, the proposition has been 
made to disfranchise a portion of the people. 

Such a proposition, coming from the Democratic party, with its record of 
secession and the fugitive slave law, would not be surprising ; but I deeply 
regret that it should instead emanate from the party of Lincoln and Garfield. 

Who in this Convention believes that Republican votes in the South are 
-counted? Who doubts that fraud, artifice and force all combine in many por- 
tions of that section to prevent the free exercise of suffrage? Yet, our strength 
is to be measured by the force and fraud of Democracy, rather than by the 
established rule sanctioned and hallowed by the usage of a century. 

If our representation must be cut down by the fraud and force of our enemies 
on the one hand, and we are to be disfranchised by our friends on the other, then 
I say, may God pity the downtrodden and suffering Republicans of the South. 

Remember, my countrymen, that time and again, by the aid of the South, 
the cause of Republicanism has been preserved! 

Remember, that we sent 300,000 brave soldiers to the field, who contended 
with their own fathers and brothers for the glorious heritage we have to-day, 
and whose bones whiten every battlefield from Bull Run to Appomattox. 

Remember, that time and again we have enabled the party to hold power in 
•Congress. 

Remember, that, in 1876, gallant little Florida gave you the Presidency. 

Remember that Virginia, in the person of the heroic Mahone, gave you the 
control of the United States Senate ! 



86 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Beware! Beware how you vote upon this question! The tariff will cause a 
transformation sooner or later. Some of the Republican States will become 
Democratic, and some of the Democratic States become Republican. Beware 
lest, like Haman of old, you be executed on the gallows erected for another! 

Remember, if we have no electoral vote, it may be traced to the fact that, 
when, in 1876, we elected Governors in Louisiana and South Carolina, they 
were counted out by the consent and combination of leading Democrats and 
Republicans, and a President counted in. 

To remain silent now were a crime. I would rather die than prove false 
to my people ! 

But the gentleman from Massachusetts says his substitute provides for equal- 
ity. Equality, indeed ! And yet, sir (turning upon the gentleman from Massa- 
chusetts), you propose to give to brave little Rhode Island, with 16,000 Republican 
votes, four delegates from the State at Large, while you give the same number 
to glorious old Kentucky, which holds within her bosom the ashes of Clay and 
Crittenden, with her 106,000 Republican votes. 

You give to historic little Yermont, with a Republican vote of 45,000, the 
same number of delegates from the State at Large that you give patriotic 
Tennessee, with a Republican vote of 107,000. 

The substitute is not Republican. It is not in consonance with the principles 
of the party which, with shackles and chains torn from the limbs of trembling 
bondmen, erected the noblest monument of recorded time, standing within whose 
shadow four millions of happy people sang an anthem of deliverance, the swell- 
ing notes of which were heard throughout the civilized world. It is not in accord 
with that party whose record is the most illustrious ever made on earth, and 
which by the death of martyred Presidents has been carried beyond the stars. 

It may be we can give no electoral votes, but I beg you to remember 
that we are freemen, not slaves. And while we do not seek to dictate the 
action of this Convention, we must refuse to surrender our manhood and prove 
craven to our convictions. 

Brethren of the Republican States, give us your encouragement and aid,, 
spare us your taunts and frowns, and North Carolina, Florida, West Virginia 
and the Old Dominion, in spite of Democratic shot-guns and legalized murders 
that cry to Heaven for vengeance, shall give you their electoral votes. 

Mr. Lampson, of Ohio. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of this Convention : 
I represent a constituency whose devotion and loyalty to the rights of the Re- 
publicans of the South is not excelled in any other district of the Union. I 
come from the home of those grand old abolition fathers, Joshua R. Giddings 
and Benjamin F. Wade. Gentlemen of this Convention, I rise in my seat to 
speak against the adoption of this resolution. I do not believe that this Con- 
vention should impose a penalty upon the Southern Republicans because the 
Democracy has disfranchised thousands of them. 

Mr. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention : I shall only submit a few reasons why, in my judgment, this- 
Convention should not agree to the report of the minority of the committee. 
Let us consider a moment what the effect of this changed representation will 
be. Those of us who come from States where your elections are pure and 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 87 

free will not be materially injured by it. Those of us who come from States 
where elections are not pure and free will be materially injured by it. When 
you adopt that minority report, you simply say to the ballot-box stuffer at the 
South, and to the shot-gun holder at the South, that we will let them have the 
benefit in the Electoral College of each colored man's vote, but we will give him 
another blow in addition to that, by turning him, the colored man, out of the 
Republican Convention. 

Now, gentlemen, as a Southern Republican, I say that if you will so change 
the National law — as, in my opinion, you have a right under the Fourteenth 
Amendment to do — as to reduce the representation in Congress and in the 
Electoral Colleges of States that disfranchise voters as they do in the South, we 
will submit to it. Or, if you will pass a law saying to the ballot-box stuffer at 
the South : ' ' You shall not have a fraudulent vote in the House of Represent- 
atives, you shall not have a fraudulent vote in the Electoral College, if you dis 
franchise these men, if you shoot down these men, if you endeavor to obtain 
control of this Government by election methods which no honest man can 
endorse." We think it is wrong, and we think it is unjust to us Southern 
Republicans to allow our oppressors to get the benefit of our misfortune, and 
to deprive us of the power we would be entitled to in a Republican Convention. 
I hope the members of this Convention will not inflict that injustice upon us. 

If I admit that we do not have the vote, according to official returns, 
that we are entitled to, the argument seems plausible. But let me call atten- 
tion to another fact. When they make what is called the official return the 
basis of representation, I say to you, gentlemen, that in my State the official 
return is an official fraud. When I ran for Congress in the Sixth District of 
Mississippi in 1880, I know that there were not less than 5,000 votes polled for 
me that were counted for the man that ran against me. Now, bear in mind the 
official report gave him 5,000 of my votes. If you adopt this amendment you 
say to me : "We will only admit you on what the Democrats choose to give 
you." Now, I say that is wrong, and I will give you another proof of it. 

Our experience has been this : We apportioned the representation in the 
county conventions upon the Republican votes polled in the different precincts ; 
but during the last five years, in nearly all of the Republican counties in that 
State, we have been compelled to adhere to the apportionment that was adopted 
in 1873 and 1874. Why ? Because we have never been able to find out what 
the Republican vote has been since. 

Mr. William Warner, of Missouri. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of 
this Convention : I appear here as a delegate from a State polling 153,000 
Republican votes ; I come from a State that holds the sacred remains of Gen. 
Lyon, and that patriot that rendered such valuable service to the cause of the 
Union, Gen. Frank P. Blair ; I come here on behalf of the Union men of 
Missouri ; I come here on behalf of that State which filled the quota of Union 
soldiers for its own State, and furnished a part to the State of Illinois and the 
State of Iowa ; and there never was a draft in that State. I am here on behalf 
of those Republicans that fought the Democratic rebelism during the war, and 
are still fighting Democracy, to protest against the Republican party giving 
sanction to the frauds of the Democracy in the South. I am not here advo- 
cating the claims of the Southern Republicans. 



I 



88 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

I say to you, gentlemen of the North, that we men of the border States and 
of the South know no white Republican and no colored Republican. We stand 
shoulder to shoulder, trying to redeem our country from the curse of Bourbon 
Democracy; and I say to you, fellow-Republicans, living in these States where 
we are in the minority, all we have to fight for is principle, not office. Encour- 
age us, and not cast the brand upon us that we are not entitled to representa- 
tion in the Republican masses of the country. It is unrepublican. 

There are only eight States of this Union casting more Republican votes 
than the great State of Missouri does. We do not ask that New Jersey's four 
delegates-at-large shall be cut down, or Rhode Island or Connecticut, or the 
other States. We ask that the States of this Union be entitled to an equitable 
and a just representation, and we believe we shall receive it from the Repub- 
licans of this Convention. 

Mr. J. Y. Stone, of Iowa. In 1876 the Republican party of the United 
States struck down the Republican party of two States of the South! We can 
never again attempt to encourage a thing like that. We believe, the State of 
Iowa believes, its delegation here believes, that the William Mahones of the 
South should be encouraged in this Convention. And I want to say here and 
now that Iowa will cast twenty-six solid votes to do it. 

Mr. Martin I. Townsend, of New York. I participated, in the winter of 
1876-7, in endeavoring to count the electoral votes that were cast in this Nation. 
We counted the votes; and with those votes we declared that Mr. Hayes was 
President of the United States by lawful election. We found, in those investi- 
gations, that there were 20,000 more Republicans in South Carolina than there 
were Democrats. We found that there were 15,000 more Republicans in Mis- 
sissippi than there were Democrats — yes, probably 20,000. We found that 
there was a very, very large majority of Republicans in Louisiana: and that 
there was a majority in Florida. 

Now, knowing these facts, developing these facts, investigating these facts, 
and presenting them to the world, how will the Republican party look in say- 
ing that, because Bourbon violence and intolerance have suppressed the Repub- 
lican votes in those States, we will disfranchise the brave-hearted men that are 
willing to vote with us. • 

Mr. William H. West, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention ; I rise to 
respond to the sentiments of Kentucky and to the sentiments of Missouri. I 
have lived in Kentucky in the day when Henry Clay was her pride, and Critten- 
den her glory. I have lived in Yirginia, within gunshot of Appomattox apple- 
tree. These States have been my home. I come to-day from the State of Chase, 
of Giddings, of Wade, of Corwin, of the illustrious men who, with Garfield, 
look down upon us from above. 

Gentlemen, the Republican party has not yet filled its mission. Sir, although 
it has secured the personal liberty of a race of bondmen, their political liber- 
ties are not yet secured; and, by the grace of God, the Republican party must 
go forward, until the home of Mahone, and the home of Bradley, and the home 
of Lynch, shall be fully represented, according to their strength. 

Gentlemen, I am ready to raise the standard here. I am ready to incorpo- 
rate it into our platform, that we will carry on the war until the scenes of Dan- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 89 

ville and the scenes of Copiah shall be impossible under the flag of my country. 
Gentlemen, we must not — we dare not — we can not; and I hope to God the 
day will never come when I shall be a member of a convention, the representa- 
tion of which shall be determined by the shot-gun and the tissue-ballot. 

Mr. John D. Long, of Massachusetts. I think it is perfectly evident that 
this Convention is not prepared to adopt the views of the minority report sub- 
mitted by my colleague. I think it is also perfectly evident that this Conven- 
tion is willing to recognize that there is a very serious question here, deserving 
of its careful and its mature consideration. 

We are here to nominate a President, who is going to be elected and give us 
four years more of Republican administration. That administration is going a 
great ways to settle this great question of equal rights in the South. I believe 
I express the sentiments of all here, when I say that at the end of that time, 
when we shall meet here four years from this time, we shall then be able to 
take up this matter and decide it with reference to the equality to which the 
gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Lynch] has referred; and with reference to 
the rights of our Southern brethren who have been so nobly vindicated on this 
floor. I therefore move, believing that it will meet the cordial sentiment of 
this whole Convention, that this matter be referred to the National Executive 
Committee for their report at the next National Convention. 

Mr. Chauncey I. Filley, of Missouri. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of 
the Convention : I believe I come from a State — Democratic as it is — that has 
done as much for the Republican party as any Republican State of this great 
Nation. Now, sir, I ask of this Convention what it proposes to do with that 
grand, patriotic, independent Republican band of Missouri, who, in four dis- 
tricts in 1880, marching by different paths to the polls — 60,000 in four districts — 
united with 19,000 independent men, and thereby elected four anti-Bourbon 
members of Congress. Thereby — and I say it in the presence of the Congress- 
men who hold seats here in this Convention — thereby only was the Republican 
party of the Nation enabled to organize the Forty-Seventh Congress that year 
with Republican officials. 

Now, what will you do under this rule with the 66,000 who united with 
the Greenbackers? Will you rule them out? or will you, as you have done, in 
a gallant, in a deserved manner, recognize the Independent Republicans of 
Missouri, as you have the man, the independent man of Virginia, Mahone, who 
saved the organization of the Senate to the Republican party? 

Now, this is a practical point. I never deal in claptrap. I believe in par 
ties. What will you do with the 66,000 votes? Where will they stand in your 
records when you make them up? Now, we do not propose to be disfranchised 
in any such way . I am in favor of increased representation for Republican 
States upon their vote . So I am in favor of increased Republican representa- 
tion upon Republican votes in Southern States . You can not take from the 
South what for twenty-five years it has enjoyed. 

You were not so fast in 1882. This matter was not adopted by the Na- 
tional Committee after the great cyclone swept over the Northern States — 
Michigan, New York and Massachusetts. You were not so fast then to adopt 
this rule, because you had lost Congressman after Congressman in each of 



90 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

those great States. Now, give us something fixed. Give us a ratio of 10,000 
votes. Do not cut off anybody. Do not cut off any State. Do not add on to 
any State. Make your ratio so that every State may have a fair show, and 
every Republican will have a fair show in a National Convention. 

Mr. J. E. O'Haea, of North Carolina. Mr. President: I do not believe for 
one moment that the minority who presented this report thought or realized 
that it would be a total surrender upon the part of the Republican party of 
every Southern Republican, be he white or black. This report proposes to take 
from the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Missis- 
sippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas, fifty-four votes in the National 
Convention. It is, as has been said upon the floor here already, an inspiration 
to the Democrats of North Carolina to take courage and reduce our representa- 
tion ; and as you reduce the representation in this Convention, so will our Dem- 
ocratic friends be fired up with zeal to reduce the gallant band of Southern 
Republicans on the floor of Congress. 

We of the South are determined to leave this Convention and go home 
expecting to give you ten or fifteen votes in the next Congress of the United 
States ; but adopt this policy, adopt this minority report, and you won't get 
hardly a corporal's guard. 

Mr. Powell. Clayton, of Arkansas. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention : I am well aware of the fact that this question has been discussed 
perhaps upon our side as far as it should be. I am admonished that I should 
not occupy the attention of this Convention one moment in going over ground 
that has already been trod upon. There is but one point that I wish to call to 
the attention of this Convention. I want to ask what the basis of representa- 
tion was when the party was young, and courageous, and just; when in this 
very city it nominated the immortal Lincoln. Could anyone say then that the 
South would cast a single electoral vote? No: not one was expected. 

What was the rule when Lincoln was again nominated? Did any one then 
expect that the South would cast a single electoral vote? No, not one; for the 
whole South was at that time trodden by the hoof of war. In those days the 
party acted upon the principle of encouragement. So let it now be. The South, 
as has been before remarked, fails to send electoral votes here, not on account 
of any failure of Republicanism to perform its patriotic duty, but because the 
power of this government, under our Constitution, does not seem to be able to 
go into the States and see that votes that are cast are counted. 

Now, I ask you to consider well this question. Let it be well understood, 
for it is a great question; and let us meet it squarely. I do not want to see this 
question referred to the National Committee. Let us come to a square vote. 
That is all I ask. 

Mr. R. R. Bishop, of Massachusetts. It is entirely evident what the senti- 
ment of this Convention is. It is not for those of us who have held a different 
view, to say that that sentiment is not right. We bow with entire cheerfulness 
to the sentiment of the Convention, because we, too, have as much earnest- 
ness in our feeling for the Republicans of the South as any Republicans in 
the country. I therefore withdraw the motion made by me a few moments 
ago. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 91 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts withdraws his motion 
to substitute the minority for the majority report; and the motion now is on 
the adoption of the report of the majority. 

The motion to adopt the majority report was agreed to. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE OX RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I would like to inquire of the Chair whether 
the Committee on Resolutions is ready to report. 

The President [Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, in the chair]. The report of the 
Committee on Resolutions is ready; and if Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, will 
take the chair, I will read the report of the committee. 

Mr. Grow took the chair, and said : 

The Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions will now report. 
Mr. McKenley, of Ohio. I am directed by the unanimous vote of the 
Committee on Resolutions to present the following report : 

THE PLATFORM. 

The Republicans of the United States in National Convention assembled 
renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they have triumphed in six 
successive Presidential elections; and congratulate the American people on the 
attainment of so many results in legislation and administration, by which the 
Republican party has, after saving the Union, done so much to render its insti- 
tutions just, equal and beneficent, the safeguard of liberty and the embodiment 
of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. 

The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response 
to the demands of the people for the freedom and equality of all men; for a 
united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens; for the elevation of labor; for 
an honest currency: for purity in legislation, and for integrity and accounta- 
bility in all departments of the government, and it accepts anew the duty of 
leading in the work of progress and reform. 

We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound statesmanship, 
long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong and successful admin- 
istration; a promise fully realized during the short period of his office as Presi- 
dent of the United States. His distinguished services in war and peace have 
endeared him to the hearts of the American people. 

In the administration of President Arthur, we recognize a wise, conserva- 
tive and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed with 
remarkable prosperity; and we believe his eminent services are entitled to and 
will receive the hearty approval of every citizen. 

It is the first duty of a good government to protect the rights and promote 
the interests of its own people. 

The largest diversity of industry is most productive of general prosperity, 
and of the comfort and independence of the people. 

We, therefore, demand that the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall 
be made, not " for revenue only," but that in raising the requisite revenues for 



92 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

the government, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diver- 
sified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer; to the 
end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward, 
and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity. 

Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, which 
would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our earnest protest. 

The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of the 
burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. 

The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff, 
and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of 
horizontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the tax-payer without 
injuring the labor or the great productive interests of the country. 

"We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United States, the 
serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the danger threatening its 
future prosperity; and we, therefore, respect the demands of the representa- 
tives of this important agricultural interest for a readjustment of duties upon 
foreign wool, in order that such industry shall have full and adequate pro- 
tection. 

We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized world; 
and we urge that efforts should be made to unite all commercial nations in the 
establishment of an international standard which shall fix for all the relative 
value of gold and silver coinage. 

The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the States, 
is one of the most important prerogatives of the general government; and the 
Republican party distinctly announces its purpose to support such legislation 
as will fully and efficiently carry out the constitutional power of Congress over 
inter-State commerce. 

The principle of public regulation of railway corporations is a wise and sal- 
utary one for the protection of all classes of the people; and we favor legisla- 
tion that shall prevent unjust discrimination and excessive charges for transpor- 
tation, and that shall secure to the people, and the railways alike, the fair and 
equal protection of the laws. 

We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor; the enforcement 
of the eight hour law; a wise and judicious system of general education by 
adequate appropriation from the national revenues, wherever the same is 
needed. We believe that everywhere the protection to a citizen of American 
birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption; and we favor the set- 
tlement of national differences by international arbitration. 

The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave labor and a 
desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is unalterably opposed to plac- 
ing our workingmen in competition with any form of servile labor, whether at 
home or abroad. In this spirit, we denounce the importation of contract labor, 
whether from Europe or Asia, as an offense against the spirit of American 
institutions; and we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting 
Chinese immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary to 
carry out its purposes. 

Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republican adminis- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 93 

tration, should be completed by the further extension of the reform system 
already established by law, to all the grades of the service to which it is appli- 
cable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all executive 
appointments; and all laws at variance with the objects of existing reform legis- 
lation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions, which 
lurk in the power of official patronage, may be wisely and effectively avoided. 

The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United States, and 
should be reserved as far as possible for small holdings by actual settlers. We 
are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of these lands by corporations or 
individuals, especially where such holdings are in the hands of non-resident 
aliens. And we will endeavor to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct 
this evil. We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants 
which have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incorporation, in 
all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the con- 
ditions of such grants. 

The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union soldiers 
and sailors of the late war; and the Republican party stands pledged to suitable 
pensions for all who were disabled, and for the widows and orphans of those 
who died in the war. The Republican party also pledges itself to the repeal of 
the limitation contained in the arrears act of 1879. So that all invalid soldiers 
shall share alike, and their pensions begin with the date of disability or dis- 
charge, and not with the date of application. 

The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from entangling 
alliances with foreign nations, and which gives us the right to expect that for- 
eign nations shall refrain from meddling in American affairs ; a policy which 
seeks peace and trade with all powers, but especially with those of the Western 
Hemisphere. 

We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength and efficiency, 
that it may in any sea protect the rights of American citizens and the interests 
of American commerce ; and we call upon Congress to remove the burdens 
under which American shipping has been depressed, so that it may again be 
true that we have a commerce which leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy 
which takes no law from superior force. 

Resolved, That appointments by the President to offices in the Territories 
should be made from the bona-fide citizens and residents of the Territories 
wherein they are to serve. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall 
promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our Terri- 
tories ; and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power of the so-called 
Mormon church ; and that the laws so enacted should be rigidly enforced by 
the civil authorities, if possible, and by the military, if need be. 

The people of the United States, in their organized capacity, constitute a 
Nation, and not a mere confederacy of States ; the National Government is 
supreme within the sphere of its national duties ; but the States have reserved 
rights which should be faithfully maintained ; each should be guarded with 
jealous care, so that the harmony of our system of government may be pre- 
served and the Union kept inviolate. 



94 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free bal- 
lot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and violence 
practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the will of the voter 
is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions; and we sol- 
emnly arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of fruits of 
such fraud and violence. 

"We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former party 
affiliations, our cordial sympathy; and pledge to them our most earnest efforts 
to promote the passage of such legislation as will secure to every citizen, of 
whatever race and color, the full and complete recognition, possession and exer- 
cise of all civil and political rights. 

Respectfully submitted, 

WM. McKINLEY, Chairman. 

Wm. Walter Phelps, Secretary. 

Mr. Chauncey C. Bush, of California. Mr. President : I move the adop- 
tion of the resolutions. 

Mr. E. L. Lampson, of Ohio. I second the motion. 

The President [Mr. Wm. McKinley, of Ohio, in the chair]. The gentleman 
from California moves that the resolutions be adopted. The question is now 
on their adoption. 

The motion was unanimously carried. 

nominations of members of national committee. 

Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. We have now reached the 
point of nominating 

Mr. Thomas M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I rise to a point of order. 

Mr. A. G. Hovey, of Oregon. I rise for information. 

The President. The next business in order, as I am informed, is the call 
of States for the nomination of members of the National Committee. 

Mr. Bayne. I move that that be proceeded with. 

The President. It will now be proceeded with. The Chairman of each 
delegation, when his State is called, will rise, and announce the member of the 
National Committee from such State. 

Mr. W. A. Pledger, of Georgia. I believe the rule was adopted this 
morning, preventing any member serving on that committee who holds a gov- 
ernment position. 

The President. Yes; that is so. 

Mr. Pledger. I suggest, in view of that fact, that the call of States be 
deferred until this evening, when the different delegations will be permitted to 
get together. 

The President. The gentleman from Georgia moves that the call of 
States be dispensed with until this evening. 

The motion was lost. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 95 

The roil of States was then called by the Secretary, and the 
following names were presented as members of the National Com- 
mittee by the respective State delegations : 

STATES AND TERRITORIES. MEMBERS. P. O. ADDRESSES. 

Alabama T . Youngblood .Union Springs 

Arkansas _. .Powell Clayton Eureka Springs 

California Horace Davis San Francisco 

Colorado J. B. Chaffee Denver 

Connecticut Samuel Fessenden .• Stamford 

Delaware .Daniel J. Layton Georgetown 

Florida .Jesse D. Cole. Monticello 

Georgia F. F. Putney. Hardaway 

Illinois David T. Littler Springfield 

Indiana John C. New Indianapolis 

Iowa James S. Clarkson. . . Des Moines 

Kansas Cyrus Leland, Jr , Troy 

Kentucky - ... J. Z. Moore.. Owensboro 

Louisiana Frank Morey Delta 

Maine J. Manchester Haynes Augusta 

Maryland James A. Gary Baltimore 

Massachusetts William W. Crapo New Bedford 

Michigan John P. Sanborn _ .Port Huron 

Minnesota ._ _.M. G. Norton Winona 

Mississippi. John R. Lynch Natchez 

Missouri Robert T. Van Horn. Kansas City 

Nebraska Church Howe North Auburn 

Nevada Thomas Wren .Eureka 

New Hampshire E. H. Rollins Dover 

New Jersey. Garrett A. Hobart . Paterson 

New York John D.Lawson.Brevoort House,New York City 

North Carolina L. W. Humphrey. Goldsboro 

Ohio A. L. Conger Akron 

Oregon John T. Apperson Oregon City 

Pennsylvania B. F. Jones Pittsburg 

Rhode Island Horace A. Jenks Woonsocket 

South Carolina John V. Johnston Maysville 

Tennessee W. P. Brownlow _ Jonesboro 

Texas C. C. Binkley Sherman 

Vermont George W. Hooker Brattleboro 

Virginia Frank S. Blair Richmond 

West Virginia John W. Mason .Grafton 

Wisconsin Edward Sanderson Milwaukee 

Arizona ___ . Clark Churchill Prescott 

Dakota . . John E. Bennett Clark, Clark Co. 

District of Columbia Perry H. Carson Washington 

Idaho Sherman M. Coffin Boise City 

Montana James A. Smith Helena 

New Mexico... Stephen B. Elkins 92 Broadway, N. Y. City 

Utah Charles W. Bennett Salt Lake City 

Washington ..Thomas S. Miner.. Ft. Townsend 

Wyoming Joseph M. Gary Cheyenne 

B. F. JONES, Chairman. 
SAML. FESSENDEN, Secretary. 
Headquarters, No. 242 Fifth Avenue, 
New York City. 



96 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

[Note. During the foregoing call, the following States failed to 
report : California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Minnesota, 
New Hampshire, Tennessee, District of Columbia, and New Mexico; 
but the completed list is here inserted, with the organization subse- 
quently effected.] 

Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts. The formal business of the Convention 
being now all completed, I move that the Convention adjourn until 7 o'clock 
this evening. 

The motion was agreed to, and the Convention adjourned. 

EVENING SESSION. 

June 5, 1884. 
The Convention re-assembled at 7:35 p. m. 

The President. Under the rules adopted, the order of business now is 
the presentation of candidates for President. 

ADMISSION TICKETS FOR VETERANS. 

Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I ask unanimous consent to offer 
the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Seats be directed to issue 500 tickets of 
admission to veteran soldiers and sailors, to be distributed through the Chair- 
men of the several State delegations. 

Mr. Howe, of Nebraska. I second the motion of the gentleman from 
New York. 

The President. This resolution requires unanimous consent. [Cries of 
"Object," "Object," and "Question."] 

The President put the question, and the resolution was lost. 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania, I rise to call up the unfinished business of 
the Convention. According to the order of business of the Convention, before 
we proceed to nominate candidates for President, the respective States should 
be called to report the members of the National Committee. That business is 
unfinished, several States not yet having reported. I therefore move that the 
States which have not yet reported their members of the committee be now 
called, and that after the reports shall have been made from the several States 
the Secretary report the members of the committee from the respective States, 
in order that we may know that the list is correct. 

The President. The Secretary will call the States that have not sent up 
their members. 

The Secretary. California. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 97 

Mr. Morrow, of California. I would suggest that the State of California 
be passed. It is not ready to report at this time. 

The Secretary. Colorado. 

A Delegate. Colorado passes for the present. 

The Secretary. Florida. 

A Delegate. Pass for the present. 

The Secretary. Georgia. 

A Delegate. The delegation from Georgia present the name of F. F. 
Putney. 

The Secretary. Louisiana. 

A Delegate. Not yet ready. 

The Secretary. New Hampshire. 

A Delegate Not yet ready to report. 

The Secretary. Tennessee. 

A Delegate. Not yet ready to report. 

The Secretary. District of Columbia. 

There was no response. 

The Secretary. New Mexico. 

A Delegate. Pass New Mexico for the present. 

The Secretary. That is all that have not reported. 

Mr. D. M. Sabix, of Minnesota. I notice that Minnesota was passed. The 
delegation direct me to name Matthew G. Norton. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I now ask, sir, that the names reported by 
tne different States be reported to the Convention by the Secretary, in order 
that the Convention may know that it is a correct list. I make that motion, 
Mr. President. 

The President. The motion is only in order by unanimous consent. The 
Secretary will now call the roll of the States, and when the name of a State 
having a candidate for President to present is called, the member selected to 
make the presentation will come forward and speak from this stand; to be fol- 
lowed by gentlemen selected to second such nomination. 

Mr. Bayne. What was the disposition made of the motion I had made? 
I made a motion, sir. 

The President, The Chair informs the gentleman that the list of the 
National Committee is not yet complete. When the names of all have been 
sent in, the Chair will have the roll called. 

nominations for president. 

The Secretary then began the call of States. There was no 
response until Connecticut was reached, when Mr. Brandegee came 
forward to the platform, and was introduced by the President, amid 
much applause. 

NOMINATION OF JOSEPH R. HAWLEY. 

Mr. Augustus Brandegee, of Connecticut. Mr. President, and Gentlemen 
7 



98 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 






of the Convention: We are here to select a chief magistrate for thirty-eight States 
and fifty -five millions of people. If we choose wisely, the selection of June 
will be the election of November ; and March will inaugurate, in lineal and 
continuous succession, the seventh Republican President of the United States. 
If we be bewildered to a fatal choice, the solid South, which has already capt- 
ured the Capitol, will occupy the White House; and the results of the war will 
be rolled backward for a generation. 

We are, sir, the accredited representatives, from every State and all the 
Territories, of a party to the wisdom and patriotism of whose great leaders, 
human liberty and human progress owe more than to any political organization 
since governments were instituted among mankind. To it impartial history 
will accord a Union saved ; a Constitution maintained, and reinfused with a 
larger spirit of liberty; a race emancipated, enfranchised, regenerated and dis- 
enthralled ; the credit of a nation preserved ; specie payments resumed ; all 
rights for all men secured ; and American labor dignified, ennobled and pro- 
tected. With such a proud history in the past, and such high hopes for the 
future, we stand pledged, sir, not to make shipwreck of an organization in 
which the interests and honor of our country are still wrapped up. 

Never before, to a National Convention, was such an opportunity presented 
or the path of duty made so plain. The great tidal wave has ebbed. It has 
left wrecks along the shore, and disclosed only the flats and shallows. The 
counsels of our opponents are confused. They have been smitten again with 
judicial blindness. The heart of the great American people instinctively and 
unmistakably turns once more to the Republican party. 

The supreme duty of the hour is for that party in this Convention to select 
a candidate under whom we can surely and grandly win. Such a candidate 
must, first of all, be a true and tried Republican ; one whose name alone shall 
stand for a platform ; one who has the courage of his convictions — one whose 
convictions on all great questions have been always right — right on the war ; 
right on reconstruction ; right on each and every one of the constitutional 
amendments ; right on resumption ; right on the currency ; right on the tariff ; 
right on civil rights; and right on civil service reform. 

Standing, sir, in this great presence, in this historic hall, inspired by the 
memory of the great leaders and martyrs of our faith, who look down as in 
benediction upon this scene ; impressed with the profound conviction of the 
importance of the trust with which I stand charged, I am requested to nominate 
such a candidate to the brethren of other States, by the Republicans of Con- 
necticut ; and in their name, and on their behalf, I nominate one who fulfills 
all these conditions, and who, in the largest degree, represents the fitness and 
the availability of a candidate, and whose name can lead to certain victory in 
November — Gen. Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 



* 



the party, uninstructed, uncommitted, and unpledged. They are here, sir, free 
to speak, free to hear, free to deliberate and to decide. They offer to you the 
name of their great leader and Senator as the best which, in their judgment, 
this Convention can select. If it is the best, make our choice 3 r ours. If you 
have a better, we will cheerfully make your choice ours. But wherever the lot 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 99 

may fall, and whoever the candidate may be, we pledge ourselves in advance, 
with unhesitating, ungrudging loyalty, with all our hearts, with all our votes, 
and with all our might, to support the nominee. 

General Hawley was born in North Carolina. He draws from Southern . 
blood, and Southern soil, and Southern skies, the generous chivalry of a nature l 
that abhors cant, and hypocrisy, and falsehood, and feels a stain like a wound. \ 
Thirty-four years ago, he came, a poor, barefooted, penniless boy, to the rugged ' 
soil of Connecticut ; where, breathing its free air, listening to its free speech 
and taught in its free schools, he laid the foundations of a manly character and 
life in principles which are as enduring as Connecticut's everlasting hills. As [l 
a young man he became a citizen of New York, and drew from the classic 
shades of old Hamilton College that culture which graces the sinewy Saxon of 
his speech. He studied law with honest John Hooker of Hartford — that John 
the Baptist of the Free-Soil movement — whose voice even then was crying loud 
for repentance of the Nation's great sin. But the fire was kindled in the young 
man's soul, and he could not stand the dry quiddities and the dusty maxims of 
the law, while human beings were being hunted like partridges over the 
mountains of New England, under the Fugitive Slave act. When Boston 
Court House was hung in chains, he threw away his Coke and Blackstone, 
and could plead after that no more a less sacred cause than that of emanci- 
pation and the rights of man. He started the first Free-Soil paper in Con- 
necticut, to become in time the leading Republican newspaper of New England. 

At last the storm-cloud burst, and the gun fired at Sumter echoed around 
the world. He first caught the call of Abraham Lincoln while sitting in his 
office. He saw the great crowd collected in the old State House Square at 
Hartford, reading the Proclamation. He threw aside his books, and walked 
down amongst them, saying : " The time has come. I can stay here no longer. 
Who will go with me ? " 

He was the first man in Connecticut that enlisted in the first company of the 
first regiment that left that soil for the defense of the Capital. He was the last 
man to leave the stricken field of Bull Run. The English historian of that 
rout writes : ' ' Hawley brought off in good order his little Connecticut com- 
pany, while the Union army was flying panic-stricken to Washington." He 
fought the war through, from Bull Run until that day when the Democratic 
party laid down its arms under the apple-tree of Appomattox. He went in 
with a musket : he came out as a Major General. 

But, sir, it is not in the purple testament of bleeding war alone that his 
name is written amongst the foremost. He stands as well in the front rank of 
debaters, orators and Senators. There is no State where his voice has not been 
heard preaching the gospel of Republicanism. He was a Republican before the 
Republican party was born. He believed in its creed before it was formulated. 
There has been no question in the Senate of the United States which has not 
received his intelligent thought; he has been thoroughly devoted to all meas- 
ures of administration or legislation which concern the interest or the honor of 
our country at home or abroad. 

In that dark hour for the Nation's faith, when it seemed as if the old ship 
was about to be swept by the storm of repudiation from its moorings, it was 



LafC. 



\ 



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100 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Hawley's voice that proclaimed from the very seat that you, sir, now occupy 
[indicating the President], that every dollar of the Nation's debt should be as- 
sacred as a soldier's grave. And when, in the Senate of the United States, even 
trusted leaders wavered, he summed up the duty and the honor of the hour in 
the pithy sentence: "Uncle Sam is a gentleman, and scorns to pay his debts in 
bogus dollars." 

General Hawley believes in the morality of practical politics. He is a 
reformer; and he believes not in the reform by which "heelers" and 
'"strikers" and "bummers" control the politics of certain sections; nor in 
the abhorrent forces of " the machine " ; but in the duty of every citizen to 
throw the whole weight of his personal influence, in season and out of season, 
for the cause of good government, from the primary to the polls. 

As, sir, his public record is without a flaw, so is his private character with- 
out a stain. There is nothing to apologize for ; there is nothing to conceal; 
there is nothing to extenuate, and nought to defend. The fierce light which 
beats against the Presidential candidate will explore his record in vain. He 
will come out brighter from the blaze. His life is gentle; and the elements 
so mixed in him that nature might stand up and say to all the world : ' ' This- 
is a man." 

If to some it should seem that he comes from too small a State to furnish a 
Presidential candidate, let me remind you, gentlemen, that bigness is not great- 
ness, and that States are measured not by acres, but by men. And in the 
Charter of Charles, Connecticut was bounded on the west by the "farther 
ocean"; and though we modestly have not extended our jurisdiction to the 
Golden Gate, yet we have filled the vast interval with statesmen and with 
States. 

If he shall seem to some to come from too near the North Star, let me re- 
mind you that never since this party was born have you given it a candidate 
from the East; while the men of that section for a generation have cheerfully 
supported the candidate of your choice. 

Mr. President, if this man is nominated, it will be the humiliation of no 
other candidate. There will be nothing to be forgiven or forgotten; nothing 
to be unsaid or taken back. His nomination will be like passing an act of ob- 
livion over the dreadful dissensions in other States which have brought this- 
party to the gateway of the grave. If he is nominated, all elements can sup- 
port him, for he is a radical-conservative and a conservative-radical; the friend 
of Garfield and the friend of Grant. Sir, if he is nominated, if he should be 
nominated to-night, this campaign would commence to-morrow and continue 
until victory is assured; there would be no powder burned to fire in the 
backs of leaders; it would only be exploded lo illuminate the inauguration. 
The brazen throats of the cannon in yonder square, which are waiting to herald 
the result of this Convention, would not have time to cool, before his name 
would be caught up on 10,000 tongues of electric flame. It would sweep down 
from the old Pine-Tree State; it would go over the hills and valleys of New 
England; it would insure you Connecticut by 10,000 majority; it would weld 
together with fervent heat the dissensions in New York; it would blaze through 
the State of Garfield, that daughter of Connecticut more beautiful than the 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 101 

mother; it would tend to carry Southern States, for he is the only candidate 
that this party has ever named, who was born on Southern soil. It would 
please all parties and all professions. For he is a lawyer, editor, soldier, 
statesman and orator. It would please the people, for he is what the people 
all love, God Almighty's noblest work — an honest man. 

Such a nomination, sir, would sweep from the storm-vexed coast of the 
Atlantic to the Golden Gate of the peaceful sea. "With him elected in the vigor 
of his life and the plenitude of his powers, beloved at home and respected 
abroad, with our free institutions and our imperial domain, we should need no 
Bartholdi statue standing at the gateway of commerce, with uplifted torch, to 
typify the Genius of Liberty enlightening the world; but our history, under a 
Republican President, administered upon a Republican policy, would of itself 
bear witness to all times and to all peoples, that this is the greatest, freest, and 
most prosperous country upon which the sun in his course has ever looked 
down. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call. 

NOMINATION OF JOHN A. LOGAN. 

When the State of Illinois was reached, Mr. Shelby M. Cullom 
came to the platform, amid great applause, and spoke as follows : 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention. Twenty-four years ago the 
Second National Convention of the Republican party met in this city and nomi- 
nated its first successful candidate for President of the United States. Abraham 
Lincoln led the Republican party to its first great victory ; and stands to-day 
In the estimation of the world as the grandest man and most majestic figure 
in modern times. Again, in 1868, another Republican Convention came to- 
gether in this city, and nominated, as its candidate for President of the United 
States, another eminent citizen of Illinois, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. And the 
Republican party was again victorious. Still again, in 1880, the Republican 
party turned its face toward this political Mecca, where two successful cam- 
paigns had been inaugurated; and the martyred Garfield led the Republican 
hosts to another glorious victory. 

Mr. President and fellow-citizens, it is good for us to be here. There are 
omens of victory in the air. History repeats itself. There are promises of 
triumph to the Republican party in holding its National nominating conventions 
in this great emporium of the Northwest. 

The Commonwealth of Illinois, which has never wavered in its devotion to 
Republican principles since it gave to the Nation — aye the world — the illustrious 
Lincoln, not unmindful of her honors, her obligations or her duties, has com- 
missioned me, through its Republican voters, to present to this Convention 
for its consideration, as the standard-bearer of the Republican party, another 
son of Illinois, one who will be recognized from one end of this land to the 
other, as an able statesman, a brilliant soldier, and an honest man — Gen. John 
A. Logan. 

A native of the State which he now represents in the councils of the Nation, 



It" 



102 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

reared among the youth of a section where every element of manhood is early 
brought into play, he is eminently a man of the people, identified with them in 
interest, in taste, and in feeling, and enjoying their sympathy, respect and con- 
fidence. The safety, the permanency, and the prosperity of the Nation, depend 
upon the courage, the integrity, the intelligence and the loyalty of its citizens. 
When yonder starry flag was assailed by enemies in arms, when the integrity 
of the Union was imperiled by organized treason, when the storm of civil 
war threatened the very life of the Nation, this gallant son of the Prairie State 
resigned his seat in the Congress of the United States, returned to his home, 
and was among the first of our citizens to raise a regiment, and to march to the 
front in defense of his country. Like Douglas, he believed that in time of 
war men must be either patriots or traitors ; and he threw the weight of his 
influence on the side of the Union, and Illinois made a record second to none 
in the history of States in the struggle to preserve this government. 

Among the large number of the brave soldiers of the late war whose names 
are proudly written on the scroll of fame none appear more grandly than the 
name of Logan. His history is a part of the history of the battles of Belmont, 
of Donelson, of Shiloh, of Vicksburg, of Lookout Mountain, of Atlanta and of 
the famous March to the Sea. He never lost a battle; I repeat again, Mr. 
President and fellow-citizens, he never lost a battle in all the struggles of the 
war. When there was fighting to be done, he did not wait for orders; neither 
did he fail to obey orders when received. • His plume, like the white plume of 
Henry of Navarre, was always to be seen at the point where the battle raged 
hottest. When the people of his State asked him to come home, to run for 
Congress, he replied, " No ; I have enlisted for the war, if need be to die ; I 
have drawn my sword from its scabbard, and shall never return it until every 
foe is disarmed and every State back in the Union." During the long struggle 
of four years, he commanded, by authority of the government, first a regi- 
ment, then a brigade, then a division, then an army corps, and finally an 
army. He remained in the service until the war closed, when, at the head 
of his army, with the scars of battle upon him, he marched into the Capital 
of the Nation, and, with the brave men whom he had led on a hundred hard- 
fought fields, was. mustered out of service under the very shadow of the Cap- 
itol building, which he had left four years before, as a member of Congress, to 
go out and fight the battles of his countiy. 

When the war was over, and gentle peace, which "hath her victories no less 
than those of war," returned, he was again called by his fellow-citizens to take 
his place in the councils of the Nation. In a service of twenty years in both 
houses of Congress he has shown himself to be no less able and distinguished 
as a statesman than he was renowned as a soldier. Cautious, prudent, con- 
servative in the advocacy of measures involving the public welfare, ready 
and eloquent in debate, fearless in defense of the rights of the weak against 
the oppressions of the strong, he stands to-day, and I say it without dis- 
position to pluck one laurel from the brow of any man whose name may be 
presented to this Convention ; he stands to-day, in my judgment, closer to 
the great mass of the people of this country than almost any other man now 
engaged in public affairs. No man has clone more in defense of those princi- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103 

pies which have given life, and spirit, and victory to the Republican party than 
has John A. Logan, of Illinois. In all that goes to make up a brilliant military 
and civil career, and to commend a man to the favor of the people, he, whose 
name we have presented here to-night, has shown himself to be the peer of the 
best. 

We ask you, therefore, to give him this nomination, because it would not be 
assailed, and it is not assailable. We ask you to nominate him, because his 
public record is so clean that even political calumny dare not attack it. "We ask 
you to nominate him in behalf of the hundreds of thousands of brave veteran 
volunteer soldiers, who are to-night, all over this broad land, standing around 
the telegraph offices, waiting to know whether that gallant leader of the volun- 
teer soldiers of this country is to receive the nomination at your hands. 

We ask you to nominate him on behalf of the white and colored Repub- 
licans of the South, who appeal to this Convention, as the representative of our 
grand old party, to give them protection and to vindicate them in their rights. 

Now, my friends, standing in the midst of this vast assembly of representa- 
tive citizens of this grand Republic — aye, in the sublime presence of the peo- 
ple themselves, represented here to-night in all their majesty — we offer you the 
name of the tried hero and patriot, the soldier without fear and without re- 
proach, the sagacious and incorruptible statesman, the man who, though 
defeated, never sulked in his tent ; we offer you General John A. Logan, of 
Illinois, and ask you to make him your nominee. If you do, if you give him 
the nomination, he will give you a glorious victory in November next ; and, 
when he shall have taken his position as President of this great Republic, you 
may be assured you will have an administration in the interest of labor, in the 
interest of education, in the interest of commerce, in the interest of finance, in 
the interest of peace at home and peace abroad, and in the interest of the pros- 
perity of this great people. 

Mr. Benjamin H. Prentiss, of Missouri. It is a great pleasure for me to 
stand here to-night to second the nomination just made, from a State in which 
I have resided for forty-one years. It is a glorious privilege to me to stand 
before this Convention, and say a word or two by way of seconding the nomi- 
nation of a man pursuing his own course, endowed with energy, until to-day 
he stands the equal of any of the great statesmen of our land — a man pursu- 
ing his own course, from poverty up, until to-night he is reaching to the highest 
round of fame known to earth — that of President of the United States of Amer- 
ica; a man who upon the field of battle led his comrades always to victory; a 
man who in the Senate of the United States, when the bold enemy of this coun- 
try, combined with timid allies, sought to annul the solemn findings of an hon- 
ored court, it was he that stepped boldly to the front and cried loud and long: 
" Hold, in your infamous efforts to place a cloud upon a bright name at the 
expense of the reputation of a Lincoln and a Garfield." 

Oh! it is glorious that I am here to-night. I can not speak plainly all that 
I feel; but, dear friends, how I love the man that stood by the reputation of 
the dead, when there were but three living ones whose reputations had been 
assailed, and your speaker at this moment one of the living. A man who has 
been my friend; a man who has been the friend of humanity; a man who led 



104 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

the army of the Tennessee on to "Washington, and there mustered it out of 
service; a man whose star upon his shoulder shone brighter and brighter as he 
moved on — that man was John A. Logan, the favorite son of Illinois; the favor- 
i:e of the Mississippi Valley; the favorite of the West; and you, gentlemen, if 
you knew him as we know him — you of the East — would learn to love him. 
He is a man in a position to-day to lead on again to victory. 

Why, Mr. President, I am not one of those who entertain the idea for a 
moment that this great Republican party is to be defeated. No ! Whoever we 
nominate is to be the President — whoever we select. I ask you to-night, I ask 
you as a friend, I ask you as one representing those who have been true to the 
party for twenty-eight years; one who has stood by it in all its perils; one who 
has never yet forsaken it at any time; I ask you — oh, I appeal to you, in this 
Convention, consider well and make the best nomination you possibly can ; I 
ask you in behalf of the cripples of this land; I ask you in behalf of all the 
old soldiers of this country; I ask you in behalf of men pleading to-day with 
this Nation for aid; I ask you in behalf of the children of this country that 
are without aid; I ask you, in behalf of humanity, to give the nomination to 
John A. Logan, of Illinois. 

Mr. President, I believe, sir, that it was Epaminondas of old, at the battle 
of Mantinea, when he received his death wound his officers carried him back 
and uplifted him to the heights above, where he could look over the field of 
battle. And when they perceived him in the agony of death, they wept, ' ' Oh, 
why do you weep? " he said to them. " We are weeping," they said, "because, 
sir, you leave us." He said to them: "Weep not, dear friends; you are not 
helpless. Do I not leave you two daughters, Leuctra and Mantinea?" 

Ah, John A. Logan leaves more daughters than that. Everywhere on this 
Western field of battle he leaves you monuments of his greatness. And to-night 
the people of Illinois, that love the man, ask of you to come and help us 
recognize the services of the brightest star in the galaxy of the volunteers of 
the army. I second the nomination of John A. Logan, God bless his name. 

The roll call was resumed, but without any responses until Maine 
was reached, when Judge West, of Ohio, arose for the purpose of 
nominating James G. Blaine. 

NOMINATION OF JAMES G. BLAINE. 

Judge Wm. H. West. Gentlemen of the Convention : As a delegate in the 
Chicago Convention of 1860, the proudest service of my life was performed by 
voting for the nomination of that inspired emancipator, the first Republican 
President of the United States. Four and twenty years of the grandest his- 
tory in the annals of recorded time have distinguished the ascendency of the 
Republican party. Skies have lowered, and reverses have threatened. Our 
flag is still there, waving above the mansion of the Presidency; not a stain on 
its folds, not a cloud on its glory. Whether it shall maintain that grand 
ascendency depends on the action of this great council. With bated breath 
a Nation awaits the result. On it are fixed the eyes of twenty millions of 
Republican freemen in the North. To it are stretched forth the imploring hands 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 105 

of ten millions of political bondmen of the South ; while above, from 1he por- 
tals of light, is looking down the spirit of the immortal martyr who first bore 
it to victory, bidding us hail and God-speed. 

In six campaigns has that symbol of union, of freedom, of humanity and of 
progress, been borne in triumph— sometimes by that silent man of destiny, the 
Wellington of American arms, Ulysses the Great; last by that soldier statesman 
at whose untimely taking-off a Nation swelled the funeral cry and wept above 
great Garfield's grave. Shall that banner triumph again? Commit it to the 
bearing of that great chief, the inspiration of whose illustrious character and 
great name will fire the hearts of our young men, stir the blood of our man- 
hood, and rekindle the fervor of the veteran; and the closing of the seventh 
campaign will see that holy ensign spanning the sky like a bow of promise. 

Political conditions are changed since the accession of the Republican 
party to power. The mighty issues of struggling freedom and bleeding hu- 
manity, which convulsed the continent and rocked the Republic, rallied, 
united and inspired the forces of patriotism and philanthropy in one consoli- 
dated phalanx. These great issues have ceased their contention ; the subordi- 
nate issues resulting therefrom are settled and buried away with the dead 
issues of the past. 

The odds of the solid South are against us. Not an electoral gun can be 
expected from that section. If triumph come, the Republican States of the 
North must furnish the conquering battalions from the farm, the anvil, the 
loom; from the mine, the workshop, and the desk; from the hut of the trapper 
on snowy Sierra, from the hut of the fishermen on the bauks of the Hudson, 
must these forces be drawn. Does not sound political wisdom dictate and 
demand that a leader shall be given to them whom our people will follow, 
not as conscripts advancing by funereal marches to certain defeat, but a grand 
civic hero, whom they will follow with all the enthusiasm of volunteers, as 
they sweep on and onward to certain victory? 

In this contention of forces for political dominion, to whom as candidate 
shall we intrust the bearing of our battle-flag? Citizens, I am not here to — 
and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if I abate the tithe of 
a hair from the just fame, integrity, and public honor of Chester A. Arthur, 
our President. I abate not one tithe from the just fame and public integrity 
of George F. Edmunds, of Joseph R. Hawley, of John Sherman, of that grand 
old Black Eagle of Illinois. And I am proud to know that these distinguished 
Senators whom I have named have borne like testimony to the public life, the 
public character and the public integrity of him whose confirmation, by their 
votes, elevated him to the highest office, second in dignity to the office of the 
President himself — the first premiership in the administration of James A. 
Garfield. A man who was good enough for these great Senatorial rivals to 
confirm in the high office of first Premier of the Republic, is good enough for 
the support of a plain flesh-and-blood God's people for President. 

"Who shall be our candidate? Not the representative of a particular interest 
or a particular class. Send a great apostle to the country labeled ' ' the doctors' 
candidate," "the lawyers' candidate, " "the "Wall street candidate," and the hand 
of resurrection would not fathom his November grave. Gentlemen, he must 



106 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

be a representative of American manhood — a representative of that living 
Republicanism that demands the amplest industrial protection and opportu- 
nity whereby labor shall be enabled to earn and eat the bread of independ- 
ent employment, relieved from mendicant competition with pauper Europe 
or pagan Chinese. He must be a representative of that Republicanism that 
demands the absolute political as well as personal emancipation and dis- 
enthrallment of mankind ; a representative of that Republicanism which 
recognizes the stamp of American citizenship as the passport to every right, 
privilege, dignity and consideration at home or abroad, whether under the sky 
of Bismarck, under the palmetto, under the pelican, or on the banks of the Mo- 
hawk — that Republicanism that can not regard with indifference a despotism 
which, under the flaunting lie of Sic semper tyrannis, annihilates, by slaughter, 
popular majorities in the name of democracy — a Republicanism which, while 
avoiding entangling alliances with foreign powers, will accept insult and humil- 
iation from no prince, State, potentate or sovereignty on earth — as embodied 
and stated in the platform of principles this day adopted in your Convention. 
Gentlemen, such a representative Republican, enthroned in the hearts and affec- 
tions of the people, is James G. Blaine, of Maine. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, it has been said that in making this nomi- 
nation every other consideration should merge, every other interest be sacrificed, 
in order and with a view exclusively to secure the Republican vote and 
carry the State of New York. Gentlemen, the Republican party demands 
of this Convention a nominee whose inspiration and glorious prestige shall carry 
the Presidency with or without the State of New York — that will carry the legis- 
latures of the several States, and avert the sacrifice of the United States Senate; 
that shall sweep into the tide sufficient Congressional Districts to redeem the 
House of Representatives, and restore it to the Republican party. Gentlemen, 
three millions of Republicans believe that the man to accomplish this, is the 
Aj ax Telamon of our party, who made, and whose life is, a conspicuous part of 
its glorious history. Through all the conflicts of its progress, from the baptism 
of blood on the plains of Kansas to the fall of the immortal Garfield, whenever 
humanity needed succor, or freedom needed protection, or country a champion, 
wherever blows fell thickest and fastest, there, in the forefront of the battle, was 
seen to wave the white plume of James G. Blaine, our Henry of Navarre. 
Nominate him, and the shouts of September victory in Maine will be 
re-echoed back by the thunders of the October victory in Ohio. Nominate 
him, and the camp-fires and beacon-lights will illuminate the continent from 
the Golden Gate to Cleopatra's Needle. Nominate him, and the millions who 
are now in waiting will rally to swell the column of victory that is sweeping 
on. In the name of a majority of the delegates from the Republican States, and 
their glorious constituencies who must fight this battle, I nominate James G. 
Blaine, of Maine. 

Mr. Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: In the face of the demonstration which we have seen and heard, it 
would seem scarcely necessary to second a nomination which appears already 
to be a foregone conclusion. But in the name of the people of Minnesota it 
gives me the greatest pleasure to second the nomination of James G. Blaine. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 107 

He has never been defeated by the people. He has borne his great faculties so 
nobly that, year after year, in success and adversity, he has grown so com- 
pletely into the affections of the people of this country, that at this moment he, 
in his own person, and without doubt, is the embodiment and definition of their 
choice for President of the United States. This preference is not the growth 
of any locality or of any one idea. It does not spring from am r cold calculation 
of expediency, although it is coincident with the highest expediency — the expe- 
diency of success. It is the majestic voice of 3,000,000 of the great party of the 
Union, of National progress, which emancipated man, which raised the coun- 
try from the hell of a civil war and made it so great that neither foreign foe nor 
domestic faction can ever affect it, where it stands secure upon the eternal basis 
of right whereon it has been placed. 

Mr. Blaine is not the man of any State. He has grown far beyond that. 
To-day his persistent popularity, his magnificent personal traits, his unfailing 
tact, his unswerving loyalty to his party, and his commanding statesmanship 
are felt and honored in every community from Maine to California, and from 
Minnesota to the Gulf. Without the aid of that thing called organization, with- 
out self-seeking, without combination, with no such condition to his success as 
the ruin of another man, he stands here to-day with all these attributes; and the 
people of this country ask this Convention to gratify their twice-deferred 
desire. He stands upon the friendship and confidence of Garfield; and when 
the life of the Nation seemed ebbing away with the spirit of the great son of 
Ohio, when all the functions of government were languid, and when business 
men felt the need of security, it was upon the arm of the great Secretary that 
the Nation leaned, because it was in him that the Nation believed. 

He has conducted our foreign affairs so as to make us respected abroad; and 
that too, upon principles almost coeval with the foundations of the govern- 
ment. He has undergone defeat in two Conventions, and risen from each 
with greater strength than before. The campaigns which followed were most 
momentous, and imperiled the very existence of the party. Did he sulk in* 
his tent in the apathy of disappointed ambition ? No; he rose upon the ruins 
of adversity, and made them the monuments of glory. He led his compet- 
itors through the arch of triumph to the White House. No word from 
him that the nomination was unfortunate. No auguries from him of want of 
success. But then he, this man from Maine, came forward with all his arma- 
ment, like a magnificent war vessel, every pennant flying, every sail set, every 
man at his post, andT every gun thundering from its sides. This is the man, 
faithful to all trusts, superior to any fortune, beloved as no American states- 
man has ever been, whom we present for your suffrages. 

Col. Wm. Cassius Goodloe, of Kentucky, seconded the nomination of Mr- 
Blaine with the following speech : Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion : Coming from a city which was the immediate home of that wonderfully 
magnetic orator and idol of the people, the great "Harry of the West," and, 
too, from the State that gave birth to the great liberator, Abraham Lincoln, I 
arise to second the nomination of one who has faithfully adhered to the teach- 
ings of those great men — James G. Blaine, of Maine. Since the death of Mr. 
Clay, Kentucky has seemingly forgotten the wisdom of his words, and strength 



108 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

of Ms presence, for she Las never given a single electoral vote for any Repub- 
lican candidate; nor is there the slightest probability that at the coming election 
she will deviate in any degree from her oft-trodden and well-beaten Democratic 
path. 

She has blindly supported the party ticket, and solidly thrown her electoral 
vote against every one of our illustrious candidates, all of whom were elected, 
save one, from the "Pathfinder," in 1856, to the lamented Garfield, in 1880. 

Party spirit has impelled the support, alike, with equal force and warmth, 
of a Democrat of the strictest school, a General of the Union armies, and an 
original and avowed Abolitionist. Such persistency in the same line of voting, 
regardless of the antecedents of candidates, very justly excites a suspicion that 
the goal these pliable pilgrims are struggling to reach is one of spoils, and not of 
principles. Coming myself as a Republican from this strong Democratic sec- 
tion, I certainly shall have the modesty to refrain from any semblance of dicta- 
tion as to whom Republican States shall have as their candidates. I am here, 
with others, to counsel with delegates having Republican constituencies at their 
backs, and to follow their lead, that we may all move on to victory. We do not 
propose to trammel your future action by an abuse of the power that we now 
possess, but which falls limp from our hands the very instant your President 
raps the adjournment of this Convention. Southern Republicans who have 
passed through every vicissitude of fortune only to be strengthened in their 
conscientious devotion to the principles of the party, are happy in the belief 
that Republicans are too brave to be frightened from any course the majority 
may deem best to pursue, through any unseemly clamor of the opposition, or of 
their weak-hearted and trembling-kneed allies. 

I am not one of those who believe that long and honorable services in behalf 
of Republicanism, and an intimate knowledge gained through experience of 
the strength and needs of the Nation, are in any sense a disqualification for 
leadership. 

The great popular heart always beats in perfect unison with the right; and 
if, without organization or preconcerted arrangement, that sentiment has, with 
one impulse from ocean to ocean, clearly indicated its choice, it seems to me 
then that the plain and simple duty of delegates is to ratify the people's 
preference. 

We come not here to disparage any candidate, but, with the kindliest feeling 
and sincerest admiration for all, we have only endeavored to learn the choice 
of those States and those delegates having Republican electoral votes to sustain 
their judgment and their preferences. Speaking for myself and others from 
the South, and conscientiously believing that choice to be the great Commoner 
from Maine, I, with great pleasure, second the nomination of James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Thomas C. Platt, of New York. Gentlemen oftlie Convention: I rise 
with pleasure to second the nomination of James G. Blaine. I second this 
nomination, believing, as I do, that his turn has come ; believing, as I do, that 
expediency and justice demand it ; believing, as I do, that the Republican 
people of the Republican States that must give the Republican majorities want 
him ; believing, as I do, that he is the representative of that strong, stern, 
stalwart Republicanism which will surely command success ; believing, as I do, 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 109 

that with him for our standard-bearer success is surely assured ; believing, in 
my inmost heart, that with him as our standard-bearer success is assured in the 
great State of New York. 

Fellow-delegates, friends of James G. Blaine, stand firm, stay solid. With 
steady step and strong purpose, victory is ours, now and in November. 

Mr. G-altjsha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. At the close of this the second 
century of National existence, not less than two hundred millions of people will 
be dwellers on the soil over which to-day floats the flag of our fathers. Each 
year half a million of people leave the crowded bee-hives of industry in the 
Old "World to find homes in the New. Great social problems of citizenship, 
and economic questions of capital and labor, affecting our social and political 
institutions, are crowding upon us for solution. And upon the wisdom of their 
solution depends the success of the Nation in the great experiment of free con- 
stitutional government among men. 

The development of the material resources of the country, the security of 
individual rights, and the protection of American citizenship at home and 
abroad, are the grave questions which confront the statesmanship of the present. 
A quarter of a century of successful administration, beginning in the ' ' long roll " 
of one of the most gigantic wars of history, is the conclusive evidence of the 
ability of the Republican party to manage the affairs of government wisely 
and well. With the shadows of its mighty events and the shades of its mighty 
dead around us, we meet to voice the sentiments of that great party whose 
achievements in war and peace have contributed so much to the greatness and 
glory of the Republic. 

The great cardinal idea of its existence was equal rights and the best inter- 
ests of the laboring classes. Almost its first act in administering the govern- 
ment was to dedicate the unoccupied public lands of the Union in free homes 
for free men; and its constant legislation has been to foster and protect Amer- 
ican labor in developing American industries. 

Its great champions and chosen standard-bearers have been in their own 
lives the representatives of labor and its trials. Lincoln, Wilson, Greeley, 
Wade and Garfield, in youth and early manhood, earned their daily bread by 
their daily toil in the workshop and the field, or along the highways of com- 
merce. With standard-bearers true and faithful to the great principles of 
its organization, the Republican party will march to victory on the political 
battle-fields of the country in the future as in the past. [Loud applause, and 
cries of "Take the platform."] 

The President. Will the gentleman suspend for one moment? 

Mr. Grow. I will occupy but a moment. [Loud cries of "Platform!" 
' ' Platform ! " " Platform ! "] 

Mr. Grow then ascended the platform and spoke as follows : 

The solution of the greatest social problems, since the extinction of slavery, 
falls upon this generation, and those that are to succeed it. The high offices of 
the government, therefore, require men of ripe statesmanship, experienced in 
public affairs, and of a life training in sympathy with labor. 



110 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The statesman of Maine began life a school teacher, day laborer in a printing 
office, and in youth and manhood, by his own efforts, unaided and alone, with- 
out the aid of wealth or family influence, he has carved his way to honorable 
distinction. 

Mr. Luke Staley. Mr. President: I desire to say to this Convention that, 
while I am not here in the interest of James G. Blaine, I hope this Convention 
will not forget that we are gentlemen, and we are Republicans, and I hope and 
trust that this Convention will give Mr. Grow a hearing here to-night. 

Mr. Grow [resuming]. I stand before you representing in part the State 
in which James G. Blaine was born. As one of his neighbors I would call 
your attention to the trials of his early life ; to those struggles which develop 
the inherent elements of manhood. His achievements in later years are part of 
the history of the country. Architect of his own fortune, he has climbed 
almost to the topmost round of the ladder which leans against the sky. The Re- 
publican party, with him as its standard-bearer, who is one of the illustrious 
compeers of the great men who have made the name of the Republican party 
illustrious, will march to victory in November next under the broad banner 
of protection to American labor, the equal rights of all men before the law, 
and the enforcement of the constitutional guarantees of citizenship. 

The President. The Secretary will proceed with the call of the roll of 
States. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the roll-call. 
When New York was called, Mr. Martin I. Townsend arose for the 
purpose of nominating President iVrthur. 

NOMINATION" OF CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 

Mr. Martin I. Townsend. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
America is proud of her great men; the Republican party is proud of her great 
men; and the great men of America are in the Republican party. It has 
warmed the cockles of my heart to hear the eulogiums pronounced here to- 
night. I abate not one whit from the speakers who have uttered the eloquent 
eulogiums, in my admiration of the men whom they have named. I come 
here to say amsn and thrice amen to all achievements of the Republican party; 
including the glorious histories of the gentlemen whose names have been pre- 
sented here. 

I come here, however, to talk about the well-being of the Republican party 
in the future; and I say to the gentlemen of this Convention that, however 
joyous our evening interview may be here, there is a very grave responsibility 
resting upon us that has got to be borne, and decided by cool and deliberate 
judgment. 

The question is, How shall we put ourselves before the American people in 
a shape to secure their suffrages at the November election? And it is a serious 
question. In France, when the National assemblies from 1790 to 1880 were 
assembled, a demonstration from the surrounding mobs of Paris and assent by 
the National Assembly, settled the question. But we may exert influence upon 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. Ill 

this body; we may obtain the assent of this body; and yet our work is not 
done. We have got to go down to the constituencies that sent us here; we 
have got to shape our action so that it shall commend itself to the men that go 
to the churches; the clergymen, and the elders, and the deacons, and the mem- 
bers, and the citizens that attend the churches — all that fear God and love the 
Republic have got to canvass our action and pass judgment upon what we have 
done. 

Now, how shall we meet the views of these people? I have come to speak to 
you in carrying out what I believe is most likely to gain the favor of the electors of 
this country — the Republican electors — I have to speak of an individual. I 
speak of G-en. Chester A. Arthur, of the State of New York. I shall not dwell 
upon the early history of Chester A. Arthur. I shall content myself with say- 
ing that his veins are filled with blood that derives its richness from the Camp- 
bells of Argyle and from the north of Ireland, the sturdiest stock in the uni- 
verse. He passed the typical life of the American boy; without money, he 
had to make up by energy and pluck for what he lacked of the filthy lucre 
Four years ago he was taken up by the National Assembly that met here, and 
nominated for the office of Vice-President of the United States. He was 
elected upon the same ticket with the sainted Garfield; a man that I loved. 

I knew Mr. Garfield way back in 1856, when a boy struggling in college, in 
my own college in Williamstown, in dear old Massachusetts; where my early 
boyhood days were passed; and I met him in the National Congress. Four 
long years I sat by his side; and I felt that when the National Convention had 
nominated Garfield, they had done themselves honor; they had done the 
country the greatest favor that it was possible in that day and under the then 
circumstances, for them to confer upon it. 

In the providence of God — a mournful, and melancholy, and never-to-be- 
forgotten providence — Mr. Garfield was removed from the field of action; and 
Mr. Arthur was called to the difficult and almost disheartening duty of taking 
his position as the chief executive officer of this Union. And from that day 
his work has been constant, forward, unswerving, kind, faithful, considerate 
to all. And with charity for all and malice against none he has discharged his 
duties, until, within a year, every Republican Convention in this Union has 
passed a resolution of unqualified commendation upon this man and his con- 
duct in the Presidential office. 

Shall I say that I need not utter commendation? What have you said 
to-day? "In the administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise, 
conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed 
with remarkable prosperity; and we believe his eminent services are entitled to 
and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen." This is to go down to 
the fireside of every constituent of this assembly — I mean of this Republican 
assembly; and they will hold you — my friends of this Convention, they will 
hold you to what you have said on this occasion. 

We have a peculiar constituency ; we have greater difficulties than our 
Democratic friends. When our Democratic friends declare their principles, 
they get their friends to believe that they are in earnest; and they achieve a 
triumph. Nothing makes them so happy, nothing makes their constituents so 



112 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

proud of them, as to Lave them turn tail and profess that they never meant 
what they said. Our people hold no such doctrine. What will they say to us 
if we say we are not in earnest about this thing? 

Some ten years ago a large portion of our citizens came to feel that the mode 
of distributing inferior and clerical offices throughout the country was injurious 
to public morality; and would in the end be subversive of the best interests of 
the people. They started then what is called the agitation for "civil service 
reform." A great many hesitated; a great many believed it was not necessary; 
but by and by the persistency of the earnest men who favored this movement, 
the earnest men that determined that the reform of the civil service upon the 
principles that they indicated must and should be accomplished and preserved, 
had its effect ; until now for more than e ght years, no National, no State con- 
vention, has ever been organized without passing a resolution in favor of civil 
service reform. 

"We passed laws, we have appointed commissioners; the commissioners have 
gone into action; and through the administration of Mr. Garfield all the prin- 
ciples of the civil service reformers — and that included the whole Republican 
party — have been put in practice. It is not I that say so. The commissioners 
themselves, in their report to the National Congress, declared that Mr. Arthur 
in every respect has carried out the law and aided them to the extent of his 
power. 

Another thing has come to pass under this administration. It may be said 
that I hold an office. I do. For which I am indebted to the late President, 
Rutherford B. Hayes, a most excellent gentleman, who did honor to the coun- 
try in the office. I come here to speak for the man who is now President ; but 
the day has come when a man can safely come to oppose the head of the 
National administration. There sits my friend Judge Robertson, of the city 
of New York, the Collector of the port of New York ; coming here like an 
honest man, like a brave-hearted man, to carry out his views, directly in oppo- 
sition to the President. He fears no disturbance, he does it in perfect safety. 

I am bound to say another thing. I would hate myself forever if I did not 
say it. Much has been said about New York State politics; much has been 
said about the "New York machine," with Roscoe Conkljng and Thomas C. 
Piatt turning the crank of the machine. I have, sir, to prove that Mr. Arthur 
has not prostituted his office to the purposes of faction, but to point to the fact 
that Roscoe Conkling has given his whole influence against Mr. Arthur ; and 
that Mr. Thomas C. Piatt, the man that resigned his office, and the man that 
could not sit in his seat in the Senate during Garfield's administration because 
Mr. Blaine was so wicked as to persuade Mr. Garfield to nominate Mr. Robert- 
son for Collector of the port of New York — he is also opposed to Mr. Arthur. 
I am an old man; but I am one of those men that for fifty years, in speaking 
of politics, have uttered just the sentiment that I felt and believed. My work 
is almost done; but if it be the last act of my life, I want to call the attention 
of this Convention to the exhibition we have had here to-night, as an evidence 
that the executive chamber, if it ever was otherwise, is not now the caucus- 
room of faction. 

Now, the people, when we go down to our homes, will say: "What means 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 113 

this? Mr. Arthur has had everybody's commendation. The politicians met at 
Chicago, and were compelled by the force of public opinion, by what we 
thought, to give this unqualified commendation for the administration of Ches- 
ter A. Arthur ; and yet he was not re-nominated!" 

Mr. President, when you took the chair, in speaking of the great and glori- 
ous men whose names had come before this Convention for consideration, you 
said that Chester A. Arthur had justly won the commendation — "Well done, 
good and faithful servant." Sir, you quoted from a book. But what is said in 
that book should be done with the good and faithful servant? Turn him out 
into the brush-pasture to starve? That is not the doctrine of that book. The 
good and faithful servant is everywhere promised his reward. That is a won- 
derfully good book; and, for a digression, let me say to the young gentlemen, 
not members of this Convention, who cried so loudly for my friend Ingersoll 
last night, that there is a great deal of most instructive and interesting reading 
in that book, if they shall have the grace to study it. 

I have stated that the people are full of scrutiny. There is more, sir. "We 
are to meet an intelligent, a tireless enemy. The Democratic party are watch- 
ing for a break in our armor. They have their lances at rest; they have their 
spears pointed; and whenever we lay open our armor they are ready to pierce 
the Republican party to the heart. What will they say? " Oh, here! oh, here! 
What a nice party you are! You have been prating ten years about the reform 
of the civil service; you have been prating ten years about having a non-fac- 
tional administration. You found one, as you say yourselves; and yet, for the 
purpose of picking up somebody else, you have struck down and cast into ob- 
livion, as far as you had the "power to do it, the very man that has done the 
work that you set him to do, after spending ten years in preparing for this end." 

I said the Democrats could do anything. They had their friend of civil 
service reform. They had their Mr. Pendleton in Ohio. They claqued him 
loudly. They patted him on the back, when he made his speeches for civil 
service reform; but when he came down to Ohio for renomination to be returned 
to the Senate, they whistled him down the wind. Said they, ' ' It will strengthen 
the party, but it will not strengthen us." 

Our constituents will look unto us. In the days of James II., he got into 
difficulty with the Bishops. He imprisoned all the leading Bishops in England. 
Among them was Trelawney, from Cornwall, Bishop of Bristol. The Cornish- 
men were very much excited because their friend was in jail ; and a distich 
was sent out, the burden of which was this: 

"And shall Trelawney die? and shall Trelawney die? 
Then thirty thousand Cornishmen will know the reason why. 1 ' 

And in this case, strike down Mr. Arthur, and not 30,000 Republicans, but 
thirty times 30,000, will know the reason why. 

Now, my friends, I have presented substantially the considerations which 
govern me in proposing the action which I have to take. We have in every 
case, since the Republican party was formed, done one of two things: We have, 
when our President has finished his term, renominated him, except in the case 
of Mr. Hayes, who refused a renomination, and given him a second term. We 
8 



114 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



refused to give Gen. Grant, much as we regarded him, a third term. These are 
traditions of the party, the common understanding. And in order to show that 
I take the common understanding of the party, I have but to quote a letter from 
a most distinguished statesman in the northeasterly portion of the Union, writ- 
ten the 20th of December, 1880, in view of the incoming administration of Mr. 
Garfield, in which he says, speaking of the administration, ' ' Not at all direct- 
ing its energies for re-election, yet compelling the result by the logic of events 
and the imperious necessities of the situation." So said that great statesman — 
so has said every man; so says the community; so will say the voters. And 
God grant that this Convention may adopt such a course as to conciliate the 
solid intelligence of the men of the Republican party; and that victory in No- 
vember, so important to the well-being of this country, may again perch, as it 
has for twenty-four years, upon the Republican banner. 

Mr. Henry H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania. Republican Pennsylvania will 
utter no uncertain sound in the coming November contest, when the suffrages 
of her industrious people will roll up 30,000 majority for the nominee of this 
Convention. 

Honest, outspoken, and well-defined differences exist in the Pennsylvania 
delegation as to whose name would cluster around it the largest expression of 
public confidence and approval, and best typify the principles of our party; but 
that individual choice will be expressed only in the deliberations of this repre- 
sentative gathering, and, its wise decision once rendered, the candidate who 
shall carry the banner of our party will find the sturdy sons of the Keystone 
State laboring and battling for Republican success. 

I rise to second the nomination of Chester A. Arthur, of the State of New 
York, and in doing so I but voice the unanimous sentiment of the Pennsyl- 
vania Convention, as well as the expression of every Republican Convention 
in the Union, when they point with pride to his wise administration of public 
affairs; congratulate the people upon the marked prosperity of the country; 
proclaim his unswerving integrity, and declare his unquestioned capacity and 
fitness for the discharge of every responsibility which the providence of God, 
for His own great purposes, in His omnipotence and omniscience, has placed 
upon him. 

The unknown man of four years ago has become the best known within 
the confines of the Republic. What a man can do is best determined from what 
he has done. Recognizing the supreme duty resting upon the highest wisdom 
and best judgment of this patriotic body, no name, no record, so illustrates 
all that will contribute to peace, prosperity, and national honor, as that of 
the distinguished statesman who four years ago received in National Conven- 
tion the plaudits of the people, as generous and as enthusiastic as yours are 
to-night, and was proclaimed the choice of the Convention — a judgment ratified 
by the votes of millions of freemen — and who to-day renders to this body the 
record of his work and the fulfillment of every duty which his great office 
has demanded. Thirty-eight States declare, "Well done, thou good and 
faithful servant." After three years of administration he presents a party 
reunited. It is for this Convention to declare whether that party shall be 
invincible. Three years of administration, and every principle we have 



FEPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 115 

inscribed upon our broad banner of liberty is more deeply rooted in the 
minds and hearts of the American people. Flaming all over the horizon of 
our party's birth, we read of the liberty of man, and equality under the law. 
Abraham Lincoln believed, as the Republican party believed, that all men were 
created equal, and, when the havoc of war was at its highest and the dead 
were legion, he proclaimed to the Republic the emancipation of the black man, 
and to-day in all this broad land the sun never rises upon a bondman or sets 
upon a slave. God's great chosen ruler. Well done, good and faithful servant. 
And when the Convention of 1864 assembled, the representatives of the people 
called upon him again to carry the banner for law, for liberty, for the Union, 
and for victory. That great and silent soldier, sent by the armies of the 
West to break down the seemingly impregnable barriers surrounding Rich- 
mond, triumphantly carried the matchless and masterful armies of the North 
into the capital of rebellion, and received the capitulation of treason upon 
the memorable field of Appomattox. Great in war, he was greater in peace. 
The suffrages of the people lifted him into the chair of Washington and 
Lincoln, and so faithfully and well was every duty performed, National honor 
and integrity maintained, that in the Republican Convention of 1872 no other 
name than that of Ulysses S. Grant was considered, and he deservedly received 
the unanimous renomination of his patriotic party. The wise, honest, capable, 
and safe administration of Rutherford B. Hayes commended itself to all the 
friends of good government. Accepting his high trust, he announced to the 
nation unqualified^ his determination to lay down the robes of authority at 
the expiration of his term of office, and return home to the people of his State, 
where he had been upon many occasions honored and always loved. 

Who can ever forget the inspiring scenes and proceedings in this hall four 
years ago, when we joined Ohio and New York in bonds so firm that only 
death do us part. The name of James A. Garfield called forth the enthusiastic 
indorsement of the people of that safe Republican State, and the power, the 
force and the strength of the name of Chester A. Arthur welded to the Repub- 
lican column uncertain and doubtful New York. Had Garfield lived — but 
no; his great possibilities only an all- wise Providence knows. He was, indeed, 
the people's idol, and his memor3 r will be ever green, and his grave ever watered 
with the tears of the millions of the Republic. 

"Ashes to ashes, dust to dust; 

He is gone who seemed so great: 
Gone, but nothing can bereave him 

Of the force he made his own, 
Being here; and we believe him 

Something far advanced in state, 

And that he wears a truer crown 
Than any wreath that man can weave him. 

God accept him, Christ receive him." 

Into the firm, strong hand of Chester A. Arthur, under constitutional forms 
and procedure, the baton of power and authority fell. I will not paint the 
picture of that day and time: a great man died; but a strong, brave, resolute 
man still stood at the helm, and the old ship rode safely through the storm into 



116 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



peaceful waters, into the harbor of safety and prosperity. Every trust and 
responsibility was accepted ; how faithfully every obligation has been fulfilled, 
and how true he has been to the people, to law and to liberty, he may read who 
runneth. 

The Republican party has not been unmindful of the rewards and honor due 
faithful leadership and well-attested public service. Lincoln reaffirmed in his 
high office. Grant reaffirmed in his high office. Peace hath her victories no 
less renowned than war. Three years of administration, and how stand the 
Nation's finances ? On the solid foundation of integrity. Every promise fulfilled. 
Ask a response from this centre of capital and enterprise. Ask the business 
men of New York City, who a few days since assembled in mass meeting, and 
whose representatives, one hundred strong, sit in this Convention hall. Do the 
great money centres of the country need a resolute hand, a clear head, and an 
incorruptible man in the executive chair? Read the recent decision of the 
Supreme Court on paper money, and then ask if capital needs safe and secure 
administration. The treasury of the nation is filled to overflowing, and unwise 
legislation is now ready to deplete the surplus. Read the vetoes of Chester A. 
Arthur, and you will find him courageous to rebuke extravagance, even when 
his own party has formulated the legislation. The foreign relations of the 
country bring us only love and respect, and the State Department is quiet, and 
at peace with all the world. Our home conditions mark a people prosperous, 
happy and contented, capital employed, labor protected, a fair day's living 
wages for a fair day's work. The manufacturing interests find the name of 
Chester A. Arthur signed to the legislation of the Forty-seventh Congress, side by 
side with that of William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania; McKinley, of Ohio; 
Morrill, of Vermont; and Aldrich, of Rhode Island. Commerce finds in him a 
familiar defender, agriculture an advocate, and labor a devoted champion. The 
men of, the South will eloquently tell how true he has been to their cause, to 
liberty, and the right. 

Civil service reform — his record is rounded and complete. There sits upon 
this platform to-night the leader and Chairman of the New York State delegation. 
Perhaps for advanced thought, for high leadership, for broad National states- 
manship, no man excels him in the country. What was his utterance in official 
declaration as to Chester A. Arthur's fulfillment and observance of every 
requirement of the law? He proclaimed him faithful and consistent. I can 
only trust and hope that in the deliberations of this Convention, the gen- 
tleman may have an opportunity to so express himself to this gathered 
multitude. This is the supreme moment. This splendid opportunity may never 
again come to the Republican party. He has been the President of the people, 
wisely administering the law, faithfully obeying the Constitution, self-poised, 
firm, courageous to do right, confident in the rectitude of his purpose, ever loyal 
and true. We know him, the country knows him, safety looks to him; for peace 
and prosperity have been his gift to the American people. 

One word more: From this platform to-night, in the presence of 20,000 
freemen, in language eloquent and in utterance fervent and impassioned, there 
have been spoken sentiments that I can not as a Republican approve. When, 
in this Convention of peers and equals, that basis and fundamental doctrine of 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 117 

my party and your party, we are told that the highest judgment, the perfection 
of the duty of the Republican party, is to be found only where Republican 
electoral votes are to be counted, I denounce it as a sentiment repugnant and 
as a principle to be condemned. 

All over the South — in her rich lowlands and upon her sunny hills — we find 
the camping grounds and battle fields of the armies that have fought for Re- 
publican principle and contended for Republican thought, and while we have 
gained great victories in the indivisibility of the Union, and the freedom of the 
black man, we have other triumphs to secure, and in our deliberations and 
action we need, we require, and we must have, the judgment, courage, con- 
viction and earnest faith of the brave men of the South, until every hillside is 
marked with the school house, and every man, white and black, can cast his 
ballot with freedom and have it fairly counted. 

Wipe out from the banner of the Republican party her legends of liberty, 
that have been our cloud by day and our pillar of fire by night, and we have a 
flag without faith, proclaiming only material prosperity and material success. 

In rising, therefore, to second the nomination of Chester A. Arthur, 
I conclude, as I began, that the well-expressed and well-digested judgment of 
every Convention of the Nation is, that he has faithfully and well performed 
his duty, and it is for this Convention to-night to decide whether the written 
and unwritten law of our party shall no longer be recognized in Republican 
National Conventions. 

Mr. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention : It seems to me that very little remains for me to say. Therefore, I 
will say a very few words. I recognize the fact that I come from a State that 
is at present in a politically prostrate condition. In consequence of that fact, I 
hope that it is modest in me to give a few reasons why, in my opinion, the man 
of my choice should receive the nomination of this Convention. Although the 
State from which I come is at present politically powerless to contribute to the 
success of the nominee of this Convention, yet our voters are there, having 
loyal hearts, patriotic impulses, and a determination to do whatever they can. 

Let me say that the Republicans of my section have no feeling of ill-will, no 
feeling of antipathy, toward any one of the distinguished gentlemen whose names 
have been presented to this Convention, or may hereafter be presented. We 
entertain for all of them the highest admiration, the profoundest respect, and 
we are determined that whichever one may receive the nomination from this 
body will receive our cordial and united support. 

Then, Mr. President, I feel that I express the honest wish and sincere desire 
of every member of this Convention when I say that whatever differences may 
have existed in our ranks heretofore, whatever factions may have existed in 
days gone by, when we leave this hall we all hope that every sore shall have 
been healed, and every faction shall have been destroyed. 

The Republicans of my section believe that the present administration should 
be continued because Mr. Chester A. Arthur has given us a safe, wise, pure, 
honest administration. We believe that, having done so well, he ought to be 
allowed to continue at least another term in well-doing. We believe that, having 
been compelled, in consequence of circumstances which he could not control, 



118 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



and which all of us seriously deplore, to assume the Presidential chair, he has 
done better than his friends expected, and certainly better than his enemies ex- 
pected. Therefore we believe that he is a safe, wise, prudent and judicious party 
leader. Believing that, our desire is that he should be allowed to succeed him- 
self. Whether he be the choice of the Convention or not, I am satisfied in my 
own mind that, whoever the nominee may be, no man will do more to con- 
tribute to his success than the present occupant of the Presidential chair, the 
Hon. Chester A. Arthur. He has never failed, and I am satisfied he will not 
fail hereafter. He will not shirk, he will not falter, he will not say that "I 
am the only man that can be elected. " His friends do not say, I do not say, that 
Mr. Arthur is the only man we can elect; for I believe we will elect anybody 
we nominate; but we believe that he should have an opportunity to succeed 
himself; that is all. 

One more reason, and I will take my seat. We all know that Mr. Arthur 
is an earnest, sincere advocate of civil service reform. All of us are civil serv- 
ice reformers, the office holders included; I may say the office holders especially. 
We have declared in our platform for civil service reform. Mr. Arthur is 
known to be sincere and honest in the advocacy of civil service reform. Give 
him an opportunity to do a little better than he has done. 

Gentlemen, it is not worth while for me to say more, but simply to express 
the hope that you will ratify the nomination of Mr. Arthur when you come to 
a ballot. 

Mr. Patrick H. Winston, of North Carolina. Mr. President, and Gentlemen 
of this Convention : The victory of arms won on the immortal field of Appo- 
mattox was not more glorious than the moral victory that lies within the grasp 
of the Republican party. A generation has grown up south of the Potomac 
whose accepted watchword is: This shall no longer be a Union of two oppos- 
ing sections, but a Union of fifty millions. of freemen. The unrivaled glory 
of the past sacrifices endured by the patriotic Union men of the South appeals 
irresistibly to the sympathy of those who have contributed to freedom the 
brightest page in its annals. Let the friends of freedom in the North in the 
coming contest touch elbows on the march with their fellow-countrymen of the 
South, and the Solid South will be broken forever. Twice since the close of 
the war, North Carolina has given her electoral vote to the Republican candi- 
date for President. The great State of New York has done no more. Because 
we are determined that henceforth we will be found in the front rank of the 
party of progress, we are here to-day with the courage of our convictions. 

Upon what principle shall we proceed to select our candidate for President? 
Behold our country ! We are at peace with the world; the wounds of domestic 
strife are healed ; public confidence is established ; the National honor is sus- 
tained; the civil service is without a stain; honest labor is paid with honest 
money; capital is secure; happiness and prosperity abound. There is not one 
of us here present who does not feel, in his own condition, and in the condition 
of his country, that these blessings are largely due to the conservative states- 
manship of the President of the United States. 

The jewel of fair play shines with unequaled lustre on American soil. Why 
forego the advantages of so happy a situation? The Republican party presents 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. < 119 

to the world the sublime character of Abraham Lincoln as the embodiment of 
its patriotism in the pioneer days of freedom ; and as the type of its power and 
glory in the era of war, the great soldier of the century, who took the nation in 
his arms and put it on the plane of liberty and equality. The era of peace is 
before us. Let us prolong it forever. Let us choose a leader to-night who is 
the representative of our party in the day of its peace, and prosperity, and prog- 
ress. As such a leader, as the exponent of all that is best in the party, as the 
choice of the conservative sentiment of the country, as the impartial ruler of 
the whole people, and on behalf of the State of North Carolina, I second the 
nomination of Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. Reed, of California. Mr. President, it is now past eleven o'clock, and 
these people are tired. I move that this Convention adjourn. [Cries of 
"No, no."] 

The President. The motion is in order, gentlemen. 

The motion was put to vote and lost. 

Mr. P. B. S. Pinchtback, of Louisiana. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: This is the second time in my life that I have had the honor to 
rise in a National Convention to second the nomination of one of our distin- 
guished fellow-citizens. I have not arisen in this Convention to second the 
nomination of Chester A. Arthur alone; but I have taken the floor for the pur- 
pose of meeting some of the accusations that have been brought against the 
Southern Republicans. 

I desire to say, that if Southern Republicans come into this Convention 
and second the nomination of Gen. Chester A. Arthur, it is not because 
they desire to dictate to this Convention, or to the Republican States of 
the North, who Avill be called upon to furnish the electoral votes, but because 
we have noticed in the South that every State Convention held in the great 
Northern States, so far as I have seen, has, with singular unanimity, indorsed 
the administration of Gen. Chester A. Arthur. 

We feel in the South that, in the present occupant of the White House, we 
have a prudent, a safe and a reliable ruler; a man who is not only acceptable to 
the Republicans of the South, but acceptable to the Republicans of the North; 
and, what is still better than all of these, a man who is acceptable to the Republic. 

I can say to you, gentlemen, that on my way from New Orleans to this Con- 
vention, all along the line of the railroad, in conversation with the passengers, 
and at the stations in conversation with the citizens generally — the substantial 
citizens of the country — I was admonished to stand by Chester A. Arthur. 

I was told in Louisville, Ky., by the members of several of the leading busi- 
ness firms of that city, that if Chester A. Arthur was nominated the business 
men of Louisville, Ky., would give him 10,000 more votes in Kentucky than 
ever had been cast for a Republican candidate before. 

I was told in Louisiana by the sugar-planters, and by the people who are 
interested in the tariff question, that, if the Republican National Convention 
should place in nomination Chester A. Arthur, they were prepared, if the 
Democratic National Convention should fail to put a protective plank in their 
platform, to put in the field an Independent electoral ticket in our State and 
give their votes for its election. 



120 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

I second the nomination of Gen. Chester A. Arthur for these reasons. They 
are to me evidences that he is not only a fit and proper candidate, but I con- 
scientiously believe that he has the best chance of any gentleman whose name 
has thus far been placed before this Convention of carrying the country in 
November next. 

I hear delegates in this Convention talking about New York, talking about 
what Mr. Grant will do ; and what Mr. Conkling will do ; and what this man 
and that man will do ; but I want to say to you that I have spent a good deal of 
my time in New York within the last year ; and I am here to say that for every 
vote lost to Mr. Chester A. Arthur by the defection of the gentlemen named, 
he will gain two. There is a strong sentiment in the minds of the people, a 
strong belief in the minds of the people of New York, as well as there is in 
many other sections of this country, that the trouble between these gentlemen 
is that Gen. Chester A. Arthur was President instead of somebody else. I 
believe it is the desire of this Convention, I believe it is the desire of the 
Republican party, I believe it is the desire of the great American people, 
that whoever shall occupy the Presidential office shall be President of the 
United States. 

I am in favor of Gen. Chester A. Arthur for the additional reason that my 
constituents are in favor of him. And while they failed to instruct me to cast 
my vote for him, they made it manifest in many ways that they desired me to 
do so. And I know that what is true in Louisiana is largely true of every 
other Southern State. And I know that most of the Southern delegates left 
their homes with the impression upon the country that they were in favor of 
Chester A. Arthur. 

And I have seen in the press, while on the way to this Convention, rumors 
that we were a mercantile element ; that especially the colored delegates to this 
Convention would be bought and sold like so many sheep. I want by my 
vote recorded in this Convention — and I hope to have the vote of every other 
colored man recorded in the.same way — in favor of Gen. Chester A. Arthur, to 
give the lie to these maligners of our race. I want to demonstrate, by our 
fealty to this chosen chief of ours, that we are as pure, as incorruptible, when 
holding public trust, as the whitest man that may sit beneath this roof. And 
if I had no other reason but this, so important is it to me to lift up the standard 
of integrity of my people, that that alone would induce me to stand by Chester 
A. Arthur as long as his name is before this Convention. 

NOMINATION OF JOHN SHERMAN. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Con- 
vention : If noise and demonstration, and nominating and seconding speeches, 
when numerically considered, could either nominate a candidate or elect him to 
be the President of the United States, I would not, in view of what has transpired 
in this hall to-night, take this stand to perform the duty that has been imposed 
upon me. But, in view of the fact that such results do not necessarily follow 
such demonstrations ; but more particularly in view of the fact that these 
demonstrations are conflicting, and these orators are opposing, I am emboldened 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 121 

to come before you that I may in a humble way say a few plain words for a 
very plain but a very great and grand man. 

But, sirs, first and foremost, I want to say again, here and now, what I have 
had occasion to repeat so many times since I came to Chicago to attend this 
Convention, and that is, that Ohio is a Republican State. She will cast her 
electoral vote for the nominee of this Convention. But, sirs, she claims no 
credit, and she asks no favors, on that account. She would be untrue to her- 
self if she did otherwise. She could not do less without injustice to the mem- 
ory and teachings of a long line of distinguished sons who have won imper- 
ishable renown for themselves and their country, both on the field and in the 
Cabinet. 

I am not here, therefore, to ask anything for her, or in her name, as a con- 
dition precedent. On the contrary, let it be distinctly understood that what- 
ever she may do in other years, and I happen to know that she sometimes acts 
strangely [laughter], she never fails to carry our flag to victory in Presidential 
campaigns. She has always been ready to enthusiastically follow the chosen 
leader of the party; and she was never more so than at the present time. To- 
day, as in the past, her highest ambition is, that with her October election, she 
may worthily and victoriously lead the Republican column. 

If, therefore, it be true that in the past she has enjoyed distinguished favor, 
she humbly hopes it has been no more than a just recognition accorded by her 
generous sister States ; and if she is proud of the names of Grant, and Sherman, 
and Sheridan, and McPherson, and Chase, and Stanton, and Hayes, and Gar- 
field, it is only because, for their illustrious services to the whole people, the 
whole people are proud of them, also; and if for these distinguished men Ohio 
first claimed National consideration and honor, it was not because they were 
her sons, but only because the better knowing their worth she put them forward 
for the common good. She has had no selfish purposes to subserve; she has 
none such to-day; she fully recognizes and appreciates the fact that what is best 
for the whole Republican party, is best also for her. 

Moved by no other feeling, she has a name to place before this Convention. 
You have heard it before. From one end of the land to the other it is as famil- 
iar as a household word. It is the name of a man who has been an acknowl- 
edged leader of the Republican party for the last thirty years. He is identified 
with every triumph of our most wonderful career. He stood at the forefront 
in the struggles with slavery. He was a very pillar of strength to the Govern- 
ment in its death-grapple with secession. His personal impress is on every line 
of reconstruction ; and when our National integrity had been preserved by the 
valor of our soldiers in the field, and there came that wild and senseless mania 
of inflation that threatened to sweep the country and tarnish the National honor, 
it was his lot to stand in the breach as no other man stood. Save only the war, 
that was the gravest danger that ever menaced the American people. A failure 
to resume specie payments in 1879, would have been almost as surely fatal to 
this Republic as could have been success for Lee at Gettysburg. It was patri- 
otic courage and heroism in the one case no more than in the other, that saved 
the day, and accomplished for us the sublime results in which we have ever 
since rejoiced. 



122 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The people of this country know and appreciate that fact, and they still 
have a profoundly grateful recollection of the services thus rendered. And 
this is especially true at this particular time, when Wall street gambling, and 
what you characterized in the platform this day adopted as " Democratic hori- 
zontal reduction," have done their bad work. The flood-tide of prosperity has 
been arrested, and we have been brought through the several stages of stagna- 
tion and decline to the very verge of business demoralization and panic. Con- 
fidence has been shaken and impaired. Its restoration is to be the controlling 
question of this coming campaign ; and if we would act wisely here we must 
recognize that fact and make our nomination accordingly. 

What man, then, of all those presented to this body for consideration, most 
fittingly and completely meets the requirements of this situation? In answer- 
ing that question, I can say, as others have said here to-night, that I have no 
thought or word of detraction or disparagement for any other name that you 
will be called upon to consider; and in the language of that platform, as it was 
read by our friend from New York here to-night, I, too, can say and do say, 
without hesitation, that in the present chief magistrate we have had a wise, a 
conservative, and a patriotic administration. And I can say too, that no man's 
admiration is greater than mine for that brilliant genius from Maine. [The 
speaker was here interrupted by long-continued applause for Blaine.] 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I shall not compliment anybody else until 
I come to my own man. 

But, resuming, permit me to remind you that you have violated that old 
and time-honored maxim: "Never to holler till you get out of the woods." 
[Great laughter.] You should not do so, for I may want to say something now 
that you won't want to applaud. For that which I want to say further to this 
Convention is this: That what we want, what we must have, what we stand 
here to-night charged with the grave and responsible duty of laying the foun- 
dation for, is success in November next. And to the end that we may have 
that success, we must nominate a man who will make not only a good Presi- 
dent, but the best possible candidate. 

And to that end, we want a man who is distinguished, not so much for the 
brilliancy of his genius as for that other, safer, better, and more assuring qual- 
ity, the brilliancy of common sense. We not only want a man who is a pro- 
nounced Republican, thoroughly tried in the crucial tests of our experience, 
but we want also a man whose very name will allay instead of excite the dis- 
trust that disturbs the industrial interests of this country. He must, of course, 
as gentlemen have eloquently said from this platform to-night, be a friend of 
human liberty and the equality of rights. He could not be a Republican if he 
were not. He must believe, too, as it has been well said, in the protection of 
American citizens at home as well as abroad. And not only that, but he must 
be a man who can find, under the Constitution and laws of this country, some 
method whereby the brutal butcheries of Copiah and Danville may for the 
future be prevented. 

And not only must he believe in these things; but there is one thing in par- 
ticular that our platform reminded us of to-day, that he must not believe in; 
and that is, a substantial reduction of the tariff duties on iron, steel and wool. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 123 

On the contrary, lie must believe, and that in the most unqualified sense, just 
as we have declared here to-day, in the protection of American industries, the 
development of American resources, and the elevation and dignity of American 
labor. 

And not only must he believe in these elementary and fundamental proposi- 
tions of Republicanism; but" he must have a record so clear, so bright, as to not 
only challenge and defy criticism to assail it, but at the same time make him 
the representative of all the highest and purest ambitions and aspirations of the 
great Republican party. 

And over and above all this, he must be a man in whom the people believe; 
not simply that he is honest, not simply that he is capable, not simply that he 
loves Republicanism and hates Democracy, not simply that he is loyal and 
patriotic, but that, combined with all these essential attributes, he possesses, by 
reason of his experience, that essential qualification that makes him most com- 
petent to deliver us from the evils that threaten our present safety. 

Nominate such a man, and victory is assured. We will have four more years 
of Republican rule; during which time the Republic will continue to grow in 
greatness at home and increased respect abroad. As such a man I nominate 
John Sherman, of Ohio. 

Mr. Wm. H. Holt, of Kentucky. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention : The responsibility resting upon this Convention is beyond meas- 
ure. Over 50,000,000 of people, living in millions of prosperous homes in this 
country, are demanding of us careful deliberation, and forbidding hasty action. 
Enthusiasm for a candidate U to be admired; but our candidate, and the nomi- 
nee of this Convention, should be selected after careful consideration, and with- 
out bitterness. The people of this country demand that we shall place before 
them for their indorsement, a safe, prudent, experienced man; a man of the 
highest type of American politics. 

I rise to second the nomination of a man whose history is a part of that of 
the Republican party of this country, and who has followed its fortunes from 
its birth, through its dark as well as its bright hours; followed it faithfully, no 
matter where it took him — whether to success or disaster — and who, by reason 
of his services to his party, and above all to his country, is entitled to your 
indorsement ; and whose nomination by this Convention would sink personal 
and sectional differences beneath the wave. 

A quarter of a century ago the history of John Sherman in politics in this 
country began. His name has been written as that of a master upon the legisla- 
tion of this country, and the execution of its laws. During all that time his 
name has been exposed to the blaze of public opinion; and it has never, never 
been scorched. 

But there is another reason, gentlemen, why I come to second this nomina- 
tion. Although he was called in a time when great ability was needed, to an 
office of high trust; although he executed the laws of resumption in such a way 
as to enroll credit upon our National banner and our National history; although 
that fact, perhaps, added more to the success of the Republican party four years 
ago than any other ; yet there is another reason why he is entitled to honor 
and credit. What is it? Speaking as a Republican from the South — a Repub- 



124: 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



lican in the South as long as there has been a Republican party there — I under- 
take to say that John Sherman has always been the advocate of freedom of 
opinion and thought, of civil rights, and of liberty as against slavery. As 
long ago as the days when it was a question whether the Territory of Kansas 
should be cursed with slavery or blessed with freedom, he was found in the 
ranks of the Republican party battling for freedom. The Republicans in the 
South have always found in him an advocate; and to-day the civil and political 
rights of the Republicans in the South are a sacred trust to John Sherman. 
And to be brief, in the language of that martyred President, who four years 
ago presented his name to the Republican National Convention, in this hall, 
I present his name to you for your careful consideration and for your in- 
dorsement. 

The Secretary then again proceeded with the call of the States. 
When Vermont was called, ex-Governor John D. Long, of Massa- 
chusetts, came forward to the platform, and was greeted with loud 
applause. 

NOMINATION OF GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. 



Mr. J. D. Long, of Massachusetts. Mr. President, and Fellow-Delegates : "We 
are here to discharge a trust. Let us remember that we are to account for it 
hereafter. I appeal to the unimpassioned judgment of this Convention. I 
appeal from the excitement of this vast concourse to the afterthought of the 
firesides of the people. And remembering that an American audience never 
fails in fair play, I appeal even at this late hour for an opportunity for brave 
little Vermont. 

The Republican party commands to-day the confidence of the country. It 
need not invoke its record of twenty -five years; for that is the common knowl- 
edge and admiration of the world. It need not appeal to its principles, for 
those are the very foundation of the marvelous progress and prosperity of this 
great Republic. There only needs that in its candidate, in the simple elements 
of his personal and public character, it furnish a guarantee of its continued 
fidelity to itself. There only needs that it respond to the instinct of the people. 
That done, and its triumph in the coming Presidential election is as sure as the 
coming of election day. But, gentlemen, that instinct must be obeyed. It rep- 
resents a demand which is as inexorable as fate itself. It recognizes the merits 
and the services of all the candidates before us. It obtrudes no word of 
depreciation for any of them. It cares little for views of expediency, or 
preferences of personal or party liking. But by that awful voice of the people 
which is as the voice of God, it sets an imperative standard of its choice, and 
bids us rise to that or fall. 

We are convened, therefore, in behalf of no man. The country and the 
party are greater than the fortunes or the interests of any one man, however 
dear or honored he may be. We are here as Republicans, and yet brave and 
broad enough not to be here in the interest of the Republican party alone. Even 
in this tumultuous excitement, we feel that, charged with the most sacred 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 125 

responsibilities that can fall upon the representatives of the people, we are here 
in the interests of the people and all the people, — of the country and the whole 
country. 

We are here to select for President a man from our own ranks indeed, but a 
man whose record and character, whose tested service, whose tried incorrupti- 
bility, whose unscathed walk through the storms and fires of public life, whose 
approved wisdom, equal to every emergency, whose recognized capacity to put 
a firm, safe hand upon the helm, and whose hold upon the confidence of the 
people, make him not our choice for them, but their choice for themselves. 

He must be one who will command their undivided support. Not merely 
brilliant qualities on the one hand, nor meritorious qualities on the other, are 
enough. He must have all the staying qualities of the sturdiest American 
character. He must represent no wing nor faction of the party, but the whole 
of it. He must be one who will hold every Republican to his cordial allegiance; 
who will rally indifference and independence even into aroused conviction and 
an earnest front on our line ; one who will stand for every beat that ever 
throbbed in the National heart for humanity, freedom, conscience and reform; 
one who will stand for whatever has been honest and of good report in 
our National history, and for whatever has made for economy, financial wis- 
dom, clean politics and the integrity of National life. Above all, he must be 
one whose name will carry in the coming canvass that sense of security to 
which at each Presidential election the country turns as to a very rock of 
salvation. Such a man, honest and capable, will first master the sober judg- 
ment and approval of the people; and thenceforward he will stir them to the 
only enthusiasm, my friends, that counts ; and that is the enthusiasm of public 
confidence. Then on election day, conscious where their safety lies, the irre- 
sistible uprising of the people, like the mighty unrolling of an ocean tide, will 
sweep him, never fear, into the highest seat of your public service. 

This is the measure, not of a party but of the country. Meet it, and you 
have done your work and won your victory in advance. Respond here and 
now to this instinct of the people, and they will take care of the result. The 
measure is high, but the candidate I name rises to it. If there be an ideal 
American citizen in the best sense, it is he. You know — the people know — 
that his character, his ability, his worth, his courage, are as recognized and 
familiar as a household word. His fame needs not the kindly nothing-but- 
good with which death obscures the faults and exaggerates the virtues of public 
men. Calumny dare not assail him; and if it dare, recoils as from a galvanic 
shock. Against no other candidate can less be said than against him. For 
no other candidate can more be said. 

I stand here, Mr. President, honored, though it were alone, with the duty 
of presenting his name to this Convention. But it is not I, it is not the State 
nor the delegates whom I here represent, who present that name to you. It is 
presented by uncounted numbers of our fellow-citizens, good men and true, 
all over this land, who only await his nomination to spring to the swift and 
hearty work of his election. It is presented by an intelligent press from Maine 
to California, representing a healthy public sentiment and an advanced public 
demand. It is the name of one whose letter of acceptance of an unsolicited 



126 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



honor will constitute . all the machinery he will have put into its procurement. 
It is a name which in itself is a guarantee of inflexible honesty in government, 
and of the best and wisest cabinet the country can afford, with no man in it 
greater than its head. It is a guarantee of appointments to office, fit, clean and 
disinterested all the way through; a guarantee of an administration which I 
believe, and which in your hearts you know, will realize, not only at home but 
abroad, the very highest conceptions of American citizenship. It is a name, too, 
which will carry over all the land a grateful feeling of serenity and security, 
like the benignant promise of a perfect day in June. It will be as wholesome 
and refreshing as the Green Mountains of the native State of him who bears 
it. Their summits tow,er not higher than his worth; their foundations are 
not firmer than his convictions and truth; the green and prolific slopes that 
grow great harvests at their feet are not richer than the fruitage of his long 
and lofty labors in the service of his country. Honest and capable, unexcep- 
tionable and fit, the best and the most available, the verystaunchest of the 
old Republican guard, the most unflinching of American patriots, with the 
kindly heart of a courteous gentleman, as well as the robust and rugged mind 
of a great statesman, yet is he not more sternly just in the halls of Congress than 
tender in that sanctuary of the American heart, the American home. A man of 
no class, no caste, no pretense, but a man of the people, East, West, North, 
South, because a representative of their homeliest, plainest and best charac- 
teristics! Massachusetts, enthusiastically leaping her own borders, commends 
and nominates him to this great Republican Convention, as the man it seeks, 
as the man of its instinctive and hearty choice, as the one man whom its 
constituents everywhere will hail with an unbroken shout, not only of satis- 
faction, but of relief. 

Gentlemen, I nominate as the Republican candidate for the next President 
of the United States the Honorable — aye! the Honorable George F. Edmunds, 
of Vermont. 

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York. Mr. "President, and Gentlemen: 
I shall not repeat to you the splendid story of the Republican party; a story 
that we never tire of telling; and that our children will never tire of hearing; 
a story which is written upon the heart of every American citizen, because it 
recounts greater services for liberty, for the country, for mankind, than those 
of any party in any other nation, at any other period of time. 

And what is the secret of this unparalleled history? It is simply that the 
Republican party has been always the party of the best instincts, of the highest 
desires, of the American people. This is its special glory. It has represented 
the American instinct of nationality, American patriotism, and American devo- 
tion to liberty. 

Now, fellow-citizens, we approach a new contest, and we shall be tried by 
the candidate whom we submit to the people. I say, we shall be tried by the 
candidate that we present. Do not forget that upon the man of our choice the 
eyes of the country will turn to see what it is that the Republican part)' honors 
and respects. It will turn to see what are the objects, what is the spirit, and 
what shall be the method, of continued Republican administration. And, 
therefore, our candidate must be in himself a resplendent manifesto of Repub- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 127 

lican principle, Republican character, and Republican purpose; a candidate who 
is in himself a triumphant victory. 

We, gentlemen, have been long in power; and prolonged power breeds, as 
we have learned to our cost in the State of New York, and as you have learned, 
therefore, to your cost — prolonged power breeds dissensions within the party. 
The times are hard; and every man who feels poor, at once blames the admin- 
istration of the government. The old issues are largely settled; and new men 
with new views are arising all around us; and vast questions, to which no man 
can be blind, solicit our present attention and sympathy. 

This is the state of the country; this is the state of the party; and we are 
confronted with the Democratic party, very hungry,, and, as you may well 
believe, very thirsty; a party without a single definite principle; a party with- 
out any distinct National policy which it dares to present to the country; a 
party which fell from power as a conspiracy against human rights, and now 
attempts to sneak back to power as a conspiracy for plunder and spoils. 

Nevertheless, fellow-Republicans, we have learned, and many of you whom 
our hearts salute, have learned upon fields more peaceful than this, that our foe 
is not a foe to be despised. He will feel our lines to find our weakest point. 
He will search the work of this Convention with electric light. He will try us 
by our candidate. And therefore the man to whom we commit the banner — 
the banner that Abraham Lincoln bore — must be, like Abraham Lincoln, a 
knight indeed; and like the old knight, a " knight without fear and without 
reproach." He must be a statesman, identified with every measure of the 
great Republican past, and a pioneer in every measure of its future of reform; 
and in himself the pledge that the party will not only put its face forward, but 
will set its foot forward; and a pledge, also, that that mighty foot will trample 
and crush and utterly destroy whatever disgraces the public service, whatever de- 
files the Republican name, whatever defeats the just expectation of the country 
and of the Republican party. 

He must be also, and I do but echo the words of the distinguished orator 
who preceded me — he must also be an unswerving Republican; a man, a states- 
man, not strong in an unrecorded obscurity, but walking for many a year con- 
spicuous, commanding, upon the heights of eminent places, in the full sunlight 
of unquestioned and unquestionable purity of personal and of public conduct — 
a statesman, as all our hearts assure us, the most eminent, the one prominent 
Republican, about whom Republicans have never differed; and for whom 
every Republican, every Democrat, every Independent voter, every American 
citizen, who under any circumstances whatever would support the Republican 
ticket, would gladly and proudly vote. This is the man, fellow Republic- 
ans, whom the situation of the country, whom the condition of the party, 
and whom our knowledge of the combat upon which we enter, designate as 
the man, the fitting man — in my judgment, the most fitting man — to be our 
leader. 

Mr. President, in the beginning of the Revolution, a Green Mountain boy 
crossed Lake Champlain ; and, followed by his brave comrades, climbed the 
sheer precipice, and in the name of the Great Jehovah and of the Continental 
Congress, demanded and received the surrender of British Ticonderoga. There 



128 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

is another Green Mountain boy; let us make him our captain in the great con- 
test upon which we enter; make him our captain of the host, the vast host of 
loyal followers, as indeed, followers we shall be, doubtless, of any man who 
bears the banner of the Republican party; and in the name of the Great Jeho- 
vah and of the Republican party, he will demand and receive the surrender of 
the Democratic party. 

His name is in your hearts before it leaves my lips. Incorruptible, unas- 
sailable, a Republican whom every Republican trusts to the utmost; whom every 
Democrat respects with all his heart; a candidate who will make every Repub- 
lican State surer, every Democratic State uneasy, and every doubtful State 
Republican, and who will awaken all the old conquering Republican enthu- 
siasm of principle and character. This is the candidate whose name has been- 
presented to us by the old Bay State; and the candidate whose nomination on 
behalf of every American who believes that political honesty is the best politi- 
cal policy, I proudly second, in repeating the name of George F. Edmunds, of 
Vermont. 

The Secretary finished the call of the roll of States ; and there 
were no more responses. 

MOTION TO PEOCEED TO BALLOTING. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker. I move you, sir, that this Convention do now pro- 
ceed to ballot for a nominee as its candidate for President of the United States. 

The motion was seconded from several parts of the house. 

Mr. John Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I assume that the purpose of this 
motion is to economize the time of this Convention. If I am correct in that, I 
sympathize with the gentleman who made the motion; but the motion is inade- 
quate in itself. If we desire to economize time, we have time not only for one 
ballot but for five. I therefore move to amend the motion of the gentleman 
from Ohio [Mr. Foraker] to the effect that we proceed to take five ballots 
before adjournment. 

MOTION TO ADJOURN. 

Mr. J. M. Thurston, of Nebraska. I am so overwhelmed with the tide 
of eloquence received here to-night, that I want a little time for quiet, delib- 
erate, honest, conscientious reflection before I voice my sentiments. I therefore 
move you, sir, that this Convention take a recess until to-morrow morning at 
10 o'clock. 

Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I sincerely hope that the motion 
to take a recess until to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock will not prevail. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that the Convention now 
take a recess until to-morrow at 10 o'clock. 

The motion was put, and declared to be lost. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 129 

Mr. Thurston. On behalf of Nebraska, I demand a call of the States 
upon the motion. [Cries of "Ballot,"] 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. I second the demand in behalf of New 
Jersey. 

The President. The Secretary will proceed to call the roll of States. 
The Chair will inquire of the gentleman from Nebraska whether his demand 
for a call of the States has been approved by the delegation of his own State 
and approved by two other States. [Cries of "No!" "No!" and a voice: 
" One other."] 

The President. One other. Then, it is out of order to call the roll of 
States. 

Mr. Sewell. I have seconded the demand for the delegation from New 
Jersey. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I second it for the delegation from the 
State of Pennsylvania. > 

A Delegate. Have they the approval of their delegations? 

Mr. Sewell. Yes, sir. 

Mr Stewart. It is not necessary to have it a unit. [Calls for ' ' The 
Rule!"] 

The President. . The Secretary will read the rule. 

Mr. Parks, of California. Before you call the roll, we would like to know 
upon what proposition you are calling it. 

The President. The Chair will inform the gentleman in a moment. 

Mr. Stewart. Before you proceed to call the roll of the States on that 
motion, I desire to know what was the fate of the amendment which I offered 
to the motion of the gentleman from Ohio. 

The Clerk read Rule 6 as follows : 

' ' When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand that a 
vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories and the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States, Territories and 
the District of Columbia, in the order heretofore stated. " 

A Delegate. I ask to have the question stated. 

The President. The question is upon adjournment until to-morrow morn- 
ing at 10 o'clock. 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts. I rise to a question of order. It is impossible 
to hear what the question is. I desire that it be stated by the Chair. 

The President. The question is to adjourn until to-morrow at 10 
o'clock. 

A Delegate. No ; take a recess. 

The President. Well, take a recess. 

CALLING THE ROLL. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll. 
When Delaware was called, 
9 



130 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Massey said : Mr. President : There are but four of the Delaware dele- 
gates present. I can not assume to vote on this question for the two not 
here, because I am not authorized. 

The President. The gentleman can not vote for those that are absent. 

Mr. Massey. Of the four who are present, three vote to adjourn, and one 
not to adjourn. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said : Will you pass New York for a moment ? The vote is 
not quite ready. 

The President. We can not pass any State in the call of the roll. 

Mr. Curtis. Can't you pass the vote of New York for a moment ? 

The President. We can not pass any State in the call of the roll. 

The Secretary. We can wait for it. 

Mr. Curtis. Can't you suspend the call ? 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. Is it permissible for Alabama to make an 
alteration in its vote at this time ? 

The President. Not at this moment. The gentleman can call the atten- 
tion of the Chair to it hereafter. 

Mr. Turner. I will call the attention of the Chair to it at the end of 
the roll call. 

Mr. Curtis. New York votes 29 aye, 43 no. 

Mr. Richardson, of New York. I would like to know how the gentleman 
knows how to announce New York's vote. Here are a dozen men who have 
not been asked how they voted at all. 

The President. Let me inquire if the count as reported to the Chair is 
disputed by the delegate. Is the count disputed from New York ? 

Mr. Lawson, of New York. I question the correctness of the vote of 
New York, as announced. I demand that the delegation from New York 
be called. 

The President. That is a right the gentleman has. Call the roll of 
New York. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. When the name of 
John M. Grane was called, 

Mr. King arose and said : Mr. Crane is not here. John A. King is his 
alternate. I am the alternate of Mr. Crane, John A. King, and I vote " no." 

The Secretary. Thomas Young is the alternate. 

The President. Is Mr. Young present ? 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Young is in the city, but Mr. King is the alternate of 
Mr. Crane. 

The President. Mr. King is not entitled to vote, as the record stands. 
Mr. Young is the alternate for Mr. Crane. 

A Delegate. The roll was corrected yesterday, and the gentleman voted 
two or three times after it was corrected. 

Mr. King. Allow me to explain. I have credentials from the State of 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 131 

New York, but I did not bring them to-day, because it was arranged yester- 
day. The State of New York elected two delegates from each Congressional 
•district. If Mr. Curtis were not here, Mr. Young would be the alternate. 

Mr. Curtis. I have the credentials in my hand. I will send them to the 
Chair. 

The President [after examining the credentials]. The record corrects the 
impression of the Chair, and contains the name of Mr. King. 

The call was proceeded with, and Mr. King voted " no." 

Mr. Andrew S. Draper, on his name being called, said : By the action of 
the Convention in adopting the report of the Committee on Credentials, the 
delegation from this district is entitled to but one vote, and the contesting dele- 
gation is given a vote likewise — half a vote to each man. 

The following was the result of the roll call for New York : 

Ayes — Anson McCook, Wm. H. Robertson, James W. Husted, David J. 
Blauvelt, Thomas Cornell, Duncan Ballentine, James Lamb {%), James A. 
Houck Q/2), George West, John Kellogg, John Hammond, Leslie W. Russell, 
George A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, R. J. Richardson (alternate), Hobart 
Krum, Titus Sheard, Carroll E. Smith, James Frazee (alternate), Milton De 
Lano, David D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, Walter Lloyd Smith, George R. 
Cornwell, Stephen T. Hayt, Edmund L. Pitts, Norman M. Allen, Frank S. 
Smith— 28. 

Noes — Theodore Roosevelt, Andrew White, Jno. I. Gilbert, Edwin Packard, 
George William Curtis, John A. King (alternate), Silas B. Dutcher, Andrew 
D. Baird, George L. Pease, William H. Beard, Martin N. Day, Clark D. Rhine- 
hardt, George C. Bennett, John J. O'Brien, John H. Brady, John D. Lawson, 
Charles N. Taintor, Robert G. McCord, John Collins, George Starr (alternate), 
George Hilliard, Michael Cregan, Bernard Biglin, John R. Lydecker, William 
Doud Joseph L. Perley (alternate), Frank Raymond, John A. Eagleston, Ben- 
jamin B Odell, B. Piatt Carpenter, Hamilton Fish, Jr. , Wm. E. Kisselburg, 
Henry G. Burleigh, George Campbell, A. S. Draper (alternate), George Chahoon, 
J. B. Morris (alternate), Leonard Burritt, Hulbert H. Warner, James W. 
Wadsworth, James D. Warren, Josiah Jewett, George Urban, Jr., Lee R. 
Sanborn— 44. 

When Pennsylvania's vote was announced as a State, 

Mr. Fisher, of that State said: Mr. President : I challenge the count, and 
ask for the call of the roll. 

The President. The roll of Pennsylvania will be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll of Pennsylvania, with the fol- 
lowing result : 

Ayes — P. L. Kimberley, J. W. Lee, Lewis Emery, Jr., Alexander Crowe, 



132 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Jr., W. Elwood Rowan, B. F. Fisher, Richard Young, Robert M. Yardley, J. 
P. H. Jenkins, Samuel R. Deppen, F. S. Livengood, Edwin L. Reimhold, 
Lewis S. Hartman, Samuel Thomas, W. S. Kilpatrick, James Cruikshank, 
Hubbard B. Payne, Henry H. Boies, Horace Brock, Jacob H. Wagner, F. F. 
Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. Scheiffelin, C. W. Hill, Daniel J. Morrell, John 
Stewart, B. F. Wagonseller (alternate), William H. Lanius, Jacob A. Kitz- 
miller, E. A. Irvin, Dr. Thomas C. Thornton, J. K. Ewing, Thomas M. Bayne, 
E. M. Byers, E. F. Acheson, John W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. How- 
ard, Thomas C. Cochran, W. H. H. Riddle, E. W. Echols, Joseph Johnson — 42. 
Noes — James McManes, John L. Hill (alternate), W. E. Littleton (alternate), 
H. H. Bingham, William Leeds, David H. Lane, Samuel B. Gilpin, Harry 
Hunter, John T. Thompson, John Ruhl, James C. Brown, J. A. M. Passmore, 
J. Y. Sollenberger, Edward Scull, James E. Sayers, C. L. Magee, William 
Flynn— 17. 

On the call of the District of Columbia, 

Mr. Conger said: "Mr. President: I believe that my colleague is absent 
from the hall; but I am not certain, and, therefore, ask that the roll be called 
of the District of Columbia." 

The President. Has the gentleman voted ? 

The Clerk again called the District of Columbia. 

The President. Vote. 

Mr. Conger. Call his name. 

The President. No; vote. You have got to vote. 

Mr. Conger. I wish the roll called. 

The President. The gentleman has no right to a roll call. 

Mr. Conger. Why not ? 

The President. What is wrong ? Is the vote disputed ? 

Mr. Conger. The count has not been announced. 

The President. It must be announced before I can have the roll called of 
the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Conger. Mr. President: Mr. Conger, of the District of Columbia, 
votes ' ' no. " I understand that the alternate of Mr. Carson is here present. Prob- 
ably Mr. Carson is absent. I desire to have Mr. Carson's al ernate called. I 
wish a record made of this vote. 

The Clerk. The District of Columbia votes one " no." 

Mr. Conger. Now, I dispute that, and ask for a call of the roll. 

The President. Then, the gentleman disputes his own vote, does he ? 

Mr. Conger. No : I do not. I know what I am talking about. I insist 
upon having the names of the delegates from the District of Columbia called. 

The President. Call the roll. 

Mr. Conger voted "no," and Mr. Smith, Mr. Carson's alternate, 
lt no." 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



133 



Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I now move that this Convention take a 
recess until 

The President. The motion is out of order until the vote has been 
announced. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. I desire to change the vote of Alabama. 

The President. Is it to correct a numerical error ? or is it a change of 
sentiment of the delegate ? 

Mr. Turner. It is a change in the vote. 

The President. The gentleman has no right to change. 

Mr. Strobach, of Alabama. I insist upon it that a delegate has a right to 
change his vote. We have adopted Cushing's Manual; and by that manual we 
are able to change the vote, if there is nothing in the rule prohibiting it. I 
would like to hear the rule. There is no such rule. Four years ago I was a 
member of the Convention, and we had a rule. But this time we have no rule 
prohibiting a change of the vote; and I insist that he has a right to change his 
vote, and I ask the ruling of the Chair. 

The President. The rule will be read. 

The Clerk read the rule: 



"And, when any State has announced its vote, it shall so stand until the 
ballot is announced, unless in case of numerical error." 

Mr. Turner. Does that apply to every ballot in the Convention upon any 
question? 

The President. Upon any question, as I understand it. 

The Secretary announced the result of the vote, as follows : 

Whole number of votes cast 801 

Ayes 391 

Noes 410 



Majority against 19 



The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 



No. of 
States and Territories. Votes. Ayes. Noes. 

Alabama 20 20 

Arkansas 14 14 

California. 16 16 ..... 

Colorado 6 6 .,. . 

Connecticut 12 12 

Delaware 6 3 1 

Florida.. 8 .... 8 

Georgia 24 24 

Illinois 44 3 41 

Indiana 30 23 7 

Iowa 26 26 

Kansas .18 14 4 

Kentucky 26 8 18 

Louisiana 16 7 8 

Maine 12 12 .... 



No. of 
States and Territories. Votes. Ayes. Noes 

Maryland 16 12 

Massachusetts 28 

Michigan 26 

Minnesota 14 

Mississippi 18 

Missouri 32 

Nebraska 10 

Nevada 6 

New Hampshire 8 

New Jersey 18 



New York 
North Carolina. 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania... 



72 
22 
46 
6 
60 



4 
.. 28 
19 7 

5 9 
1 17 
9 20 
8 2 

6 ... 
1 7 



18 

27 

3 

23 



41 
19 
23 



6 .... 
42 17 



134 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



No. of 

States and Territories. Votes. Ayes. Noes. 

Rhode Island.. 8 8 

South Carolina 19 18 

Tennessee... 24 7 16 

Texas 26 12 10 

Vermont 8 8 

Virginia 24 3 21 

West Virginia 12 12 

Wisconsin 22 18 4 

Arizona 2 2 

Dakota... 2 2 



No. of 
States and Territories. Votes. Ayes. Noes. 

Dist. of Columbia 2 2 

Idaho... 2 11 

Montana 2 2 

New Mexico 2 2 

Utah 2 2 

Washington 2 2 

Wyoming 2 1 

Totals 820 391 410 



Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I move the previous question. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I move that this Convention adjourn until 
11 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

The President. The gentleman from New York [Mr. Dutcher] has the 
floor. 

Mr. Dutcher. I move the previous question on the motion to take a vote. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I second that motion for the previous 
question. 

Mr. Stewart. I rise to a point of order. The calling for the previous 
question does not cut off a motion to adjourn. I move that this Convention 
adjourn until 11 o'clock. 

The President. The Chair will state to the Convention that the order of 
business is a ballot, and there is no use of making any motion to that effect. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I rise to a question of order. It is utterly im- 
possible to know or hear what is going on. 

The President. The Chair will entertain no motion until the gentlemen 
come to order. 

Mr. Bush, of California. In the language of a distinguished gentleman, 
" What are we here for ? " 

The President. The motion before the Convention is the motion of the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania to adjourn until 11 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Several Delegates. This morning. 

The President. That is so; it is after 12 o'clock. [Cries of question.] 

Mr. Walker, of Missouri. I rise to a point of order. The point is this : 
No business has intervened in the Convention since the last motion to adjourn 
was voted down. 

Mr. Stewart. My motion was to adjourn until 11 o'clock. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. A gentleman [Mr. Dutcher] moved the 
previous question before Mr. Stewart's motion to adjourn; behaving the floor, 
and being recognized by the Chair. 

The President. The gentleman did not announce that the call for the pre- 
vious question was sustained by his own State and two other States. 

Mr. Roosevelt, of New York. It was seconded here. 

Mr. Winston. I seconded the call for North Carolina. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I call for the roll of the States on the 
motion to adjourn till 11 o'clock. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



135 



Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I second the motion for a call of the States. 
The President. All in favor of adjourning will say aye. All opposed will 
say no. The noes have it. 

Mr. Stewart. I demand the call of the roll of the States. 

The President. The noes have it. 

Mr. Stewart. Call the roll of the States. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

CALLING THE ROLL. 

The roll call proceeded through to Illinois, with the following 

result : 



States. Ayes. Noes. 

Alabama 4 15 

Arkansas 10 3 

California 16 

Colorado.. 6 

Connecticut 12 



Ayes. Noes. 

Delaware 3 1 

Florida _ 8 

Georgia 24 

Illinois.. 1 43 



Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. What is the gentleman's point of order ? 

Mr. Burrows. Will the Chair be kind enough to inform the delegates what 
the question is ? 

The President. The question is to take a recess until to-morrow at 11 
o'clock. 

Several Delegates. To-day. 

The President. To-day; yes, it is after 12 o'clock now. 

Mr. Stone, of Iowa. We want to know what the question is. 

Mr. Morris McDonald. I move we adjourn. 

Mr. John H. Roelker. I second the motion. 

Mr. Shelby M. Cullom. I am unable to hear what is being done. 

Mr. Burleigh, of New York. I would suggest that we make an amend- 
ment to adjourn until 10 o'clock. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. I move to dispense with the call of the States. I 
understand the gentlemen all around us are willing that the motion to adjourn 
until 11 o'clock this morning shall prevail; and in that spirit I make that 
motion. 

Mr. Burleigh. I accept the amendment. 

Mr. McKinley. I make the motion that we suspend the further call of the 
States, and take a vote viva voce to adjourn until 11 o'clock. 



The motion was carried, and the Convention adjourned at 1:45 
a. m., Friday, June 6th, to 11 o'clock a. m. same day. 



136 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



FOURTH DAY. 

Friday, June 6, 1884. 
The Convention re-assembled, pursuant to adjournment, at 11 
o'clock a. m., June 6th, and was called to order by the President at 
11:20 a.m. 

The President. The Convention this morning will be opened by prayer 
from the Rev. Dr. Scudder, of Chicago. 

PRAYER BY REV. HENRY MARTYN SCUDDER. 

Let us pray. Almighty and ever blessed God. We worship Thee as the 
author of our being, as the creator of our mortal bodies and of our immortal 
spirits. And we adore Thee as the inexhaustible personal source of all light and 
love, and truth and liberty, and peace and gladness. And we do glorify Thee 
as the supreme law-giver, and as the only rightful sovereign of all hearts and all 
consciences. And we do thank Thee with reverence and gratitude for the 
benignant providence which, from the very beginning, has watched over our be- 
loved country. We thank Thee for its manifold deliverances in times of National 
peril, for its grand victory over slavery, for its symmetrical development under 
Thy fostering care, and for its present advancement among the nations of the 
earth. And we do also bless Thee for our just laws and fruitful institutions; 
for our civil and religious liberty; for our fertile lands and abundant resources, 
our great cities and our happy homes. 

We bless Thee, Lord God of truth and grace, for the Christian faith, and 
for our Christian churches, and for our educational privileges, and for the ample 
opportunities that Thou dost continuously grant to our people for their growth 
in the knowledge and the virtue and the power that constitute genuine national 
manhood. 

And we now ask Thee to pronounce Thy benediction upon this Convention. 
Grant to it to-day the unerring guidance of Thine own infallible Spirit; and 
may all that is done here be done in the fear of God, and in the righteousness 
of a true patriotism. And, to this end, may every man in this Convention be 
endowed and animated with a spirit of true humility and true fidelity to the 
highest interests of our great Republic. 

And row, finally, great and holy God, we pray Thee that this Convention 
may be led with a hearty unanimity to select for nomination to the Presidency 
of these United States the right man. And when he is selected by this Con- 
vention, may he thereafter be elected by the American people to the chief mag- 
istracy of this country. 

And after he is elected, if that be Thy will, may his life be precious in Thy 
sight; and may he be so endowed with Thy Spirit that he shall give us an ad- 
ministration that shall be an honor to himself, an honor to this Convention, an 
honor to the Republican party, an honor to the whole American people, a glory 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 137 

to our country, and a lesson for mankind ; an administration which, shall be 
acceptable in Thy sight, Thou who art the Lord God of hosts. 

And we ask this in the name of our adorable Lord and Redeemer, Jesus 
Christ. Amen. 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Secretary will call the 
roll of States and Territories that did not report their National Committeemen 
on yesterday; and those States and Territories will now answer. 

Mr. Bush, of California. I desire to offer a resolution, without debate. 

Mr. Davis of California. I demand the regular order. I object to these 
resolutions. 

The President. Well, we will see what it is. I don't know. 

Mr. Davis. I demand the regular order. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary then called the State of California. 

Mr. Morrow, of California. The State of California names Horace Davis. 

The Secretary then called the State of Colorado. 

A Delegate. Pass Colorado for the present. 

The Secretary then called the State of Florida. 

A Delegate. Pass the State of Florida for the present. 

The Secretary then called the State of New Hampshire. 

A Delegate from New Hampshire. New Hampshire presents the name 
of Edward H. Rollins. 

The Secretary then called the State of Tennessee. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I am unanimously instructed by the Tennessee 
delegation to hand in the name of W. P. Brownlow as Committeeman for the 
State of Tennessee. 

The Secretary then called the District of Columbia. 

Mr. P. H. Carson. Mr. President 

Mr. F. B. Conger. Mr. President: The District of Columbia has not agreed. 
Mr. Carson. And I am satisfied we won't agree. 
Mr. Conger. All right. 

The Secretary then called the Territory of New Mexico. 

Mr. W. H. H. Llewellyn. New Mexico presents the name of Wm. L. 
Rivers. 



138 * OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Bush, of California. I desire to withdraw that resolution, by the 
request of members here. 

The President. The resolution is withdrawn. 

BALLOTING FOE PRESIDENT THE ROLL CALL FOR FIRST BALLOT. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention : There is now nothing in 
order except to call the roll for the nomination, by ballot, of a candidate for 
the Presidency. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. Is the roll call for balloting for President ? 

The President. For balloting. Announce your candidate. 

Mr. Turner. Alabama casts one vote for James G. Blaine, one vote for 
John A. Logan, seventeen votes for Chester A. Arthur, with one delegate 
absent. I desire to state, Mr. President, that one delegate is sick in bed at the 
hotel; otherwise, the vote would be eighteen for Chester A. Arthur. 

The President. He can not vote unless he or his alternate is here. 

Mr. Turner. I have not cast his vote. 

The Secretary then called the State of Arkansas. 

Mr. Logan H. Roots. Arkansas casts two votes for George F. Edmunds; 
four votes for Chester A. Arthur; eight votes for James G. Blaine. 

A Delegate from Arkansas. Not being satisfied with that announcement, 
I ask for a call of the roll of delegates. 

The President. Does the gentleman from Arkansas question the accuracy 
of the announcement ? 

The Delegate. I challenge the announcement. 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts. He challenges the vote. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. The absent delegate from Alabama has now 
come into the room. Am I at liberty to cast his vote ? 

The President. Not now. 

Mr. Turner. At the end of the roll call ? 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll for the State of Arkansas. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll; and, as the indi- 
vidual responses were made, there were storms of applause intermixed 
with hisses. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention : In consequence of the 
applause which follows the announcement of the name, it is utterly impossible 
for the clerks to record the votes. And I appeal to these galleries to cease their 
hissings and applause. [A voice: " Clear the galleries ! "] "We can not record 
the vote here if applause and hisses follow the announcement of the vote. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 139 

The roll call for Arkansas resulted as follows : 

Fob Arthur — M. W. Gibbs, John H. Johnson, Ferd. Havis and Lafayette 
Gregg— 4. 

For Blaine — Powell Clayton, Logan H. Roots, Henry M. Cooper, Samuel 
H. Holland, A. A. Tufts, George H. Thompson, Mason W. Benjamin, and 
Kidder Kidd— 8. 

For Edmunds — Jacob Trieber and Jacob Yoes — 2. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until the State of 
Florida was reached; when the Chairman from that State announced 
seven votes for Arthur and one vote for Blaine. 

Mr. Long, of Florida. I demand a poll of Florida, 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary. Dennis Eagan. 

Mr. Emanuel Fortune. Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. Long. The delegate is not present. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee. We come here entitled to eight votes in this Conven- 
tion. And our State Convention instructed us in this wise, by this resolution : 
" Resolved, that no delegate or alternate shall be authorized to give a proxy to 
any person not elected as such by the Convention; and in case the full number 
of delegates or alternates are not present at anytime in the Chicago Convention, 
those present shall cast the vote of the delegation." Mr. President, our 
State can not be deprived of her eight votes under that resolution. 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts, here attempted to be recognized by 
the Chair. 

The President. The gentleman [referring to Mr. Lee] is out of order. 

The Secretary then again called Dennis Eagan. 

Mr. Lee. He is not here, but his alternate is here. 

The Secretary then called Emanuel Fortune, the alternate of Mr. 
Eagan, and he voted for Chester A. Arthur. 

The roll call was then proceeded with, and resulted as follows : 

For Arthur— Emanuel Fortune [alternate], Joseph E. Lee, Jesse D. Cole, 
William G. Stewart, James M. Combs, A. C. Lightborne, and H. W. Chandler 
—7. 

For Blaine— John G. Long— 1. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until the State of 
Kansas was reached. 

Mr. P. B. Plumb, of Kansas. Kansas casts twelve votes for James G. 



140 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Blaine, four votes for Chester A. Arthur, one vote for John A. Logan, and 
one vote for Joseph R. Hawley. 

A Delegate. I demand a call of the roll for Kansas. 

The Secretary; Will the gentleman please repeat to me the vote of Kansas? 

Mr. Plumb. The call of the roll is asked for; and that will do away with 
the necessity of any further statement. 

The Secretary then called the roll of delegates of Kansas, with the 
following result : 

For Blaine — James S. Merritt, A. W. Mann, Cyrus Leland, Jr., Henry E. 
Insley, J. R. Hallowell, W. P. Hackney, William Martindale, E. A. Berry, J. 
S. McDowell, Joseph W. Ady, C. C. Wood and R. L. Walker— 12. 

For Arthur — Preston B. Plumb, J. G. Woods, George R. Peck and C. C. 
Culp— 4. 

For Logan — R. Aikman — 1. 

For Hawley — J. P. Root — 1. 

The Secretary again proceeded with the call until the State of 
Louisiana was reached. 

Mr. W. P. Kellogg. Louisiana casts ten votes for Chester A. Arthur, 
three for John A. Logan, and two for James G. Blaine. One of our delegates 
is absent. 

Mr. L. A. Martinet. I ask a poll of the votes for Louisiana. 

The President. Call the roll for Louisiana. 

The Secretary called the roll, with the following result : 

For Arthur— A. J. Dumont, P. B. S. Pinchback, A. S. Badger, W. B. 
Merchant, R. F. Guichard, P. F. Herwig, Henry Demas, George Drury, L. A. 
Martinet and Louis J. Souer — 10. 

For Logan— W. P. Kellogg, Frank Morey and E. W. Wall— 3. 

For Blaine — William Harper and Clifford Morgan — 2. 

The Secretary again proceeded with the call until he reached the 
District of Columbia. 

Mr. Frank B. Conger. Mr. President: My colleague here present declines 
to announce his vote. The District of Columbia casts one vote for Arthur. 

Mr. Perry H. Carson. The gentleman makes a mistake. Perry H. 
Carson casts his vote for James G. Blaine. 

Upon the completion of the roll call, 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama, said : Is it consistent with the rules for Alabama 
to correct its vote at this time ? 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



141 



The President . What does the gentleman desire to correct ? a numerical 
error ? 

Mr. Turner. The delegate came in within two minutes after the vote had 
been declared. 

The President. He can not now vote, under the rule. 

Mr. Turner. All right. He will do it next time. 

The President. Gentlemen, if you wish to hear the vote, you must keep 
silent. 

The Secretary thereupon announced the result of the first ballot 

as follows : 

first ballot. 

Whole number of delegates. _ _ _ 820 

Necessary to a choice 411 

Whole number of votes cast. 818 

James G. Blaine. 334i 

Chester A. Arthur 278 

Geo. F. Edmunds 93 

John A. Logan ._ 63£ 

John Sherman 30 

J. R. Hawley.. .- 13 

R. T. Lincoln. - 4 

W. T. Sherman 2 

The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 



States and Territories. 


30 

a 
o 
> 
ft 

6 


p 

< 


< 


p 
s 
p 


< 
o 
o 


55 

< 

n 
§ 

m 


a 

-4 


a 



3 


S5 

< 

s 

K 
S 

a 

CO 


Alabama 


20 

14 

16 

6 

12 
6 
8 

24 
44 
30 
26 
18 
26 
16 
12 
16 
28 
26 
14 


17 

4 


1 

8 

16 

6 


~~2 


1 










Arkansas . . 










California 

Colorado 






"12" 


;;; : ; 




Connecticut 




Delaware 


1 

7 
24 

1 
9 

"I' 
16 
10 

" 6~ 
2 
2 
1 


5 
1 










Florida 














Georgia 














Illinois __ _. 


3 

18 
26 
12 

5* 

2 
12 
10 

1 
15 

7 


.... 


40 










Indiana _. 


2 








Iowa .. 




Kansas. _. 




1 

2£ 

3 


1 

1 








Kentucky 

Louisiana . 




1 


.... 


Maine . 










Maryland 














Massachusetts . . _._ 


25 

n 
t 

6 












Michigan 

Minnesota . 










9, 













1-42 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



States and Territories. 


'SI 

& 

O 
> 
ft 

c 


p 
w 

H 

P3 

< 




m 

§ 
& 

ft 


c 


< 
S 

H 

►"3 




2 



3 


Mississippi 


18 

32 

10 

6 

8 

18 

72 

22 

46 

6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
2 
2 


17 
10 

2 

~"T 

"31" 
19 

" "il" 


1 

5 
8 
6 
..... 

28 
2 

21 
6 

47 










.... 




Missouri _ 

Nebraska ...... 

Nevada 


6 


10 


1 







New Hampshire _ 


4 
6 

12 












New Jersey . . 

New York 


"l" 


1 




2 
.. 1 


... 


North Carolina . 




Ohio.. 


25 








Oregon 












Pennsylvania 


1 

8 


1 











Rhode Island 




South Carolina 


17 
16 
11 


1 

7 
13 












Tennessee 


"~8~ 


1 
2 










Texas 




Vermont 










Virginia 


21 

"V 

.... 

2 
..... 

2 

"2" 


2 

12 
10 

2 

2 
1 


1 










West Virginia 

Wisconsin 










6 












Arizona 








- - 




Dakota __ 












District of Columbia _ 














Idaho 














Montana 


1 


1 












New Mexico 












Utah 
















Washington 


2 














Wyoming 




























Totals 


820 


278 


334} 


93 


63i 


30 


13 


4 i 2 









KOLL CALL FOR SECOXD BALLOT. 

The President. No nomination having been made, according to the rules 
of the Convention, the Convention will now proceed to another vote. The 
Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

Mr. Turner. Alabama casts one vote for John A. Logan ; one vote for 
James G. Blaine, and eighteen votes for Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. Parsons, of Alabama. I challenge the announcement of the vote as 
made by the Chairman of the delegation, and demand the call of the roll of 
the States. 

The President. The roll will be called. Call Alabama. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll for Alabama; and had 
called " John H. Thomason," as alternate for Geo. W. Braxdall. 






REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 143 

Mr. Parsons. I would like to move that the rule be enforced that the 
delegates must be in their seats when the roll is called, because we can not tell 
whether a man who answers down there among the alternates is either the 
delegate or the alternate or somebody else. 

Mr. Turner. We will bring him up here and exhibit him to the gentleman 
if he wants. 

A Delegate. The man is an alternate and a proper alternate, and has 
voted. 

The President. If the delegate is present he must vote ; and if "lie is not 
present then his alternate is entitled to vote. 

The Delegate. His alternate is here; but the delegate is not. 

Mr. Turner. The alternate has voted, and the vote has been recorded. 

The President. Very good. Proceed with the call. 

The Secretary then completed the call of Alabama, with the fol- 
lowing result : 

For Arthur — Turner, Thomason (alternate for Braxdall), Sheats, Duke, 
Slaughter, Threet, George W. Washington, Strobach, Heyman, Youngblood, 
Stevens, Carson, Anthony, Mabson, Moseley, Bingham, McCulloch — 17. 

For Blaine — Parsons and Lewis J. Washington — 2. 

For Logan — Crenshaw — 1. 

The Secretary then called the State of Arkansas. 

Mr. Logan H. Roots. Arkansas casts three votes for Chester A. Arthur, 
and eleven votes for James G. Blaine. 

Mr. M. W. Gibbs. I demand that the roll be called. 

The President. The Chair does not understand the gentleman. What is 
the demand ? 

Mr. Gibbs. I move that the roll be called. I am not satisfied with the 
announcement. 

The President. The roll will be called. 

The Secretary called the roll for Arkansas, with the following 
result : 

For Blaine— Clayton, Roots, Cooper, Trieber, Holland, Tufts, Thompson, 
Benjamin, Yoes, Gregg and Kidd — 11. 

For Arthur — Gibbs, Johnson and Havis — 3. 

The Secretary proceeded with the call until he reached the State 
of Florida. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee. Florida casts seven 

Mr. John G. Long. Call the roll. I demand the poll of Florida. 
The President. No vote has yet been announced from Florida; therefore 
no member is entitled to a call. 

The Secretary again called the State of Florida. 



141 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Lee. Florida casts seven votes for Chester A. Arthur and one for 
Blaine. 

Mr. Long. I demand the poll. 

The Secretary then called the roll for Florida, with the following 
result : 

For Arthur — Dennis Eagan, Joseph E. Lee, Jesse D. Cole, William G. 
Stewart, James N. Combs, A. C. Lightborne and H. W. Chandler — 7. 
For Blaine — John G. Long — 1. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until he reached the 
State of Illinois. 

Mr. S. M. Cullom. Illinois votes: Logan, forty; Blaine, three; Arthur, one. 
Mr. Abner Taylor. I challenge the correctness of the vote, and ask for 
a poll. 

The President. The delegates for Illinois will be called. 

The Secretary called the roll for Illinois, with the following result 

For Logan — Cullom, Hamilton, Cook, Carr, Ruger, Piper, Raymond, Col 
lins, Kelly, Fuller, Lewis, Towne, Baldwin, Noble, Willett, Bell, Rogers, Ven 
num, Wright, Whiting, Chandler, Ballard, Mathews, Berry, Jayne, Smith 
Fifer, Ingham, Eckhart, Wilcox, Churchill, Black, Rinaker, Truitt, Halbert 
Reuter, Ridgeway, Stratton, Simpson and McAdams — 40. 

For Blaine — Woodward, Davis and Wheeler — 3. 

For Arthur — Taylor — 1. 

The Secretary then called the State of Indiana. 

Mr. R. W. Thompson. Indiana casts one vote for George F. Edmunds, 
two for John Sherman, nine for Chester A. Arthur, and eighteen votes for 
James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Morris McDonald. I ask that the roll of Indiana be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll for Indiana, with the following 
result : 

For Blaine — Roelker (alternate for Benjamin Harrison), Baker, Gardner, 
Cravens, Montgomery, Burchenal, Mellett, Michever, Adams, Smith, McKeen, 
Daily, Thompson, Holman, Kenner, Votaw, Carter and Oliver — 18. 

For Arthur — McDonald, Veatch, Posey, Reiley, Alspaugh and Charles, 
Williams, Simons and Moon— 9. 

For John Sherman — Thompson and Irwin — 2. 

For Edmunds — Hay — 1. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until he reached the 
State of Kentucky. 

Mr. William O. Bradley. John Sherman, one ; Robert Lincoln, one; 
Logan, two; Blaine, five; and seventeen for Chester A. Arthur. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 145 

Sir. W. L. Hazslip. I ask for a call of the roll of Kentucky. 
The President. Does the gentleman challenge the vote of Kentucky 
as announced ? 

Mr. Hazsld?. Yes, sir. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary then called the roll of Kentucky, with the follow- 
ing result : 

For Arthur— Evans, Bradley, Culbertson, Lewis, Farly, Bragg, Moore, 
Landes, Allensworth, Jolly, Hilpp, Miller {%), Brown Q4), Scarlett, Stoll, 
Thomas, Auxier and Buckner — 17. 

For Blaine— Hazslip, Wilson Q4), Minton {%), Goodloe, Bradford and 
Tremble — 5. 

For Logan — Boyd and Denny — 2. 

For Sherman — Comingore — 1. 

For Lincoln — Eversole — 1. 

"When the State of Louisiana was called, 

Mr. W. P. Kellogg said : Louisiana casts nine votes for Chester A. 
Arthur, two for Logan, and four for Blaine. 

The vote was challenged by a delegate, and the roll was called 
by the Secretary, with the following result : 

For Arthur — Dumont, Pinchback, Badger, Merchant, Herwig, Demas, 
Druiy, Martinet and Souer — 9. 

For Blaine — Guichard, Harper, Wall and Morgan — 4. 
For Logan — Kellogg and Morey — 2. 

When Missouri was called, the vote was announced by Mr. Havens, 
as follows : 

Sherman, one; Edmunds, five; Logan, eight; Blaine, eight; Arthur, ten. 
Mr. Xeuenhahn, of Missouri. I challenge the vote, and ask that the roll 
be called. I desire the roll of the delegation to be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll of Missouri, with the follow- 
ing result : 

For Arthur— Van Horn, Barber, Mullens, Thomas, Hyde, Jones, Warner, 
Reynolds, Neuenhahn and Carroll — 10. 

For Blaine— Havens, Dawes, Hill, McLean, Sankey, Upton, Gibbs— 7. 

For Logan— Prentiss, Cramer, Turner, Meyer, Filley, Mott. Weber and 
Duncan — 8. 

For Edmunds— Fletcher (alternate for J. B. Henderson), Guitar, Shirk, 
Brucre and Burton — 5. 

For John Sherman — Tyler — 1. 

Not Voting — Benseik— 1. 
10 



146 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Havens. I desire to state that after the vote of the delegation was 
taken, one of the delegates retired from the hall, and that is the occasion of the 
difference between the announcement made by the Chair and the present vote. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said: New York casts one vote for Robert Lincoln, twelve votes 
for George F. Edmunds, twenty-eight for James G. Blaine, thirty-one for 
Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. A. S. Draper, of New York. I ask for the roll call. I challenge the 
vote, and demand that the New York delegation be polled. 

The President. Does the gentleman challenge the vote as announced ? 

Mr. Draper. I do, sir. 

The roll of New York was then called, with the following result : 

For Arthur — Dutcher, Beard, Day, Rhinehart, Bennett, O'Brien, Brady, 
Lawson, Taintor, McCord, Collins, Starr (alternate), Hilliard, Cregan, Biglin, 
Lydecker, Perley (alternate), Doud, Raymond, Eagleston, Carpenter, Fish, 
Townsend, Burleigh, Campbell (3^) Draper (j^), Hammond, Chahoon, War- 
ren, Jewett, Urban, Sanborn — 31. 

For Blaine — McCook, Robertson, *Husted, Blauvelt, Cornell, Ballentine. 
Lamb {%), Houck (%), West, Kellogg, Russell, Bagley, Scripture, Richardson 
(alternate), Krum, Sheard, C. E. Smith, Frazee (alternate), Piatt, DeLano, 
Osborne, Yeomans, Dwight, W. L. Smith, Cornwell, Hayt, Pitts, Allen and 
F. S. Smith— 28. 

For Edmunds — Roosevelt, White, Gilbert, Packard, Curtis, King (alternate), 
Hobbs, Baird, Pease, Odell, Burritt and Wadsworth — 12. 

For Lincoln — Warner — 1. 

When the District of Columbia was called, 

Mr. Conger said: Mr. President: My colleague declines to announce his vote 
to the Chairman of the delegation. The District of Columbia casts one vote 
for Arthur. 

Mr. Perry H. Carson. Mr. Carson votes for Blaine. 

The Secretary announced the result of the ballot as follows : 

SECOND BALLOT. 

Whole number of delegates 820 

Necessary to a choice 411 

Whole number of votes cast 819 

James G. Blaine 349 

Chester A. Arthur 276 

George F. Edmunds. . . 85 

John A. Logan 61 

John Sherman 28 

J.R.Hawley .... 13 

R. T. Lincoln 4 

W. T. Sherman 3 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 



W 



States and Territories. 


a 
o 

> 

o 


p 

< 


H 
< 


a 


55 
< 

O 


55 

< 

a 

03 


s 


O 

5 


3 




20 

14 

16 

6 

12 
6 
8 
24 
44 
30 
28 
18 
26 
16 
12 
16 
28 
26 
14 
18 
32 
10 
6 
8 
18 
72 
22 
46 
6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 


17 
3 


2 
11 
16 

6 




1 






Arkansas - - - 




















, 




Colorado -- 














Connecticut 








12 







Delaware 


1 
7 
24 
1 
9 

2 

17 

9 

3 

4 
1 

17 
10 

2 

5 

"§i~ 

18 
_____ 

"ll 
16 
11 


5 

1 










Florida -- 




























Illinois _ . 


3 

18 

26 

13 

5 

4 

12 

12 

1 

15 

7 

1 

7 

8 

6 

..... 

28 

3 

23 

6 

47 

"l 

7 
13 


_____ 


40 










Indiana - 


2 








Iowa . 








Kansas 





2 

2 
2 


.... 


1 






Kentucky 

Louisiana ' 


1 


__.. 


Maine 










Maryland 

Massachusetts 














24 
5 
6 










Michigan 










o, 


Minnesota 












Mississippi 




~"l 








Missouri 


5 


8 






1 


Nebraska _ 








Nevada 








- 






New Hampshire 

New Jersey - 

New York - 


3 
6 

12 








____ 


1 





._ _ _ 
2 
1 


---- 


North Carolina . 




Ohio 


23 








Oregon . _ 








Pennsylvania- 

Rhode Island- 


1 
8 

""8 


1 
















South Carolina 


"Y 

2 










Tennessee 




Texas .- 










Vermont 










Virginia.. .. 


21 
6 

1 
2 
,____ 

2 

"~2 


2 
12 
11 
2 
2 
1 










West Virginia .... _ . 




Wisconsin _ . 


5 












Arizona 












Dakota 














District of Columbia . 














Idaho 














Montana 


1 


1 












New Mexico 












Utah 
















W ashington 


2 














WvomiDg 






























Totals 


820 


276 


349 


85 


61 


28 


13 


4i 3 



148 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



ROLL CALL FOR THE THIRD BALLOT. 

The President. No candidate having received a majority of all the votes 
cast, the Secretary will proceed to call the roll for the third ballot. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll. 
When the vote of Massachusetts was announced, 

A Delegate said : Mr. President: I challenge the vote. 
The President. [Mr. John D. Long, of Massachusetts, in the chair.] The 
gentleman from Massachusetts challenges the vote. The roll will be called. 
The Delegate. I will withdraw the challenge. 
The President. The challenge is withdrawn. 

When the vote of Pennsylvania was announced, 

A Delegate said: I challenge the vote of Pennsylvania. 

The President. The roll will be called for the State of Pennsylvania. 

The Secretary called the roll, with the following result : 

For Blaine — James McManes, Hamilton Disston, P. L. Kimberly, J. W. 
Lee, Lewis Emery Jr. , W. H. Jessup, William R. Leeds, Samuel B. Gilpin, 
Alexander Crowe Jr., W. Elwood Rowan, B. F. Fisher, Richard Young, Rob- 
ert M. Yardley, J. P. Hale Jenkins, Samuel R. Deppen, F. S. Livengood, 
Edwin Reimhold, Lewis S. Hartman, Samuel Thomas, William S. Kilpatrick, 
James Cruikshank, James C. Brown, Hubbard B. Payne, Henry M. Boies, 
Horace Brock, Jacob H. Wagner, F. F. Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. Schieffelin, 
C. W. Hill, Daniel J. Morrell, Edward Scull, John Stewart, B. F. Wagonsel- 
ler (alternate), William H. Lanius, Jacob A. Kitzmiller, E. A. Irvin, Dr. 
Thomas C. Thornton, J. K. Ewing, James E. Sayers, Thomas M. Bayne, E. M- 
Byers, E. F. Acheson, John W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. Howard, T. 
C. Cochran, W. H. H. Riddle, E. W. Echols, Joseph Johnson— 50. 

For Arthur — H. H. Bingham, W. J. Pollock, David H. Lane, Harry 
Hunter, John T. Thompson, John Ruhl, C. L. Magee, William Flynn— 8. 

For Logan — J. A. M. Passmore — 1. 

For Edmunds — J. Y. Sollenberger — 1. 

When Texas was called. Mr. Binkley, from that State, announced 
the vote, as follows : 

Arthur, eleven; Blaine, fourteen; Logan, one. 

Mr. Webster Flannagan challenged the vote as given by the 
Chairman of the delegation. The Chair directed that the roll of the 
State delegation be called, which was accordingly done by the Sec- 
retary. 

When the Secretary called the name of Henry Green, it was ascer- 
tained that Mr. Green was not present. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 149 

A Delegate from Texas. Mr. Green has just stepped out, and will return 
in a moment. 

Mr. Binkley. When I announced the vote, I supposed he was present. 

The Secretary passed the name of Henry Green for the present, 
and continued the call of the roll. 
Upon the completion of the call, 

Mr. Binkley said : Will the Secretary call Mr. Green again ? 
The President. The name of Mr. Green will now be called. 

The Secretary called the name of Mr. Green, and the gentleman 
recorded his vote. 

The roll call resulted as follows : 

For Arthur— C. C. Binkley, R. Allen, J. B. Farris, G. W. Burkitt, 
Webster Flannagan, A. G. Malloy, Frank L. Cleve, B. B. Rentfro, Nathan 
Patton, J. C. DeGress, H. H. McConnell— 11. 

For Blaine — N. W. Cuney, Robert Zapp, R. J. Evans, J. D. Davis, J. R. 
Carter, 0. T. Lyon, J. S. Witner, J. C. Akers, A. J. Rosenthal, W. H. Blont, 
Robert Hanschke, R. F. Campbell, Henry Green, H. C. Ferguson — 14. 

For Logan — Alexander Burge — 1. 

When the vote of Wisconsin had been announced by the Chair- 
man of the delegation, 

Mr. Cooper, of Wisconsin, said: I challenge the vote of Wisconsin, and 
call for the roll. 

The President. Does the gentleman except to the correctness of the 
announcement ? 

Mr. Cooper. I do. One moment. 

The President. Is the challenge withdrawn? t 

Mr. Cooper. I withdraw it. 

Upon the completion of the roll call, the Secretary announced 
the result, as follows : 

THIRD BALLOT. 

Whole number of delegates 820 

^Necessary to a choice 41 1 

Whole number of votes 819 

James G. Blaine 875 

Chester A. Arthur 274 

George F. Edmunds 69 

John A. Logan _ . . . 53 

John Sherman 2o 

J. R. Hawley '. 13 

E. T. Lincoln 8 

W. T. Sherman _ 2 



/ 



150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The vote bv States and Territories was as follows : 



States and Territories. 


H 
H 
C 
i> 

U 

o 

6 


K 

P 

a 
< 


g 

a 


p 

'A 
P 

a 

R 





< 
« 

n 

02 

i-a 


3 

w 



g 


■4 

§ 

03 


Alabama. . 


20 

14 

16 

6 

12 
6 

8 

24 
44 
30 
26 
18 
26 
16 
12 
16 
28 
26 
14 
18 
32 
10 
6 
8 
18 
72 
22 
46 
6 
60 
8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
2 
2 


17 
3 


2 
11 
16 

6 




1 










Arkansas 










California 














Colorado 














Connecticut 








12 






Delaware 


1 
7 

24 
1 

10 


5 
1 












Florida _■ 














Georgia 














Illinois 


3 

18 




40 










Indiana 


2 








Iowa . .- 


26 










Kansas . 


~~16~ 
9 

4 
3 

4 
2 

16 
11 

5 

1 
32 

18 

~~~8~ 

1 

16 

17 

11 


15 
6 

4 
12 
12 

1 
18 

7 

1 
12 
10 

6 

"li 

28 
4 

25 
6 

50 

2 

7 

14 


2 

2 
2 


.... 


1 


" 1 




Kentucky - - 




.IXC±±LUV,«.J 

Louisiana . . 




Maine 










Maryland 














Massachusetts _ 


24 
3 
5 

.... 












Michigan 










1 


Minnesota 












Mississippi 


"4 






1 




Missouri 


1 






Nebraska _ ._ . 








Nevada 


"3 












New Hampshire 












New Jersey _ 








6 




New York _ _. 


12 










North Carolina - 




"2I" 








Ohio 




Oregon 












Pennsylvania. . 


1 
8 


1 










Rhode Island 


- - 










South Carolina . 




Tennessee 














Texas 


""% 


1 










Vermont 




Virginia _. 


20 

"io" 

"i" 

l 

2 
"2 


4 

12 
11 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 












West Virginia . . 














Wisconsin . 












1 


Arizona 














Dakota _ _ 














District of Columbia _ 














Idaho 














Montana . . 


1 












New Mexico 












Utah 


..... 














Washington . . . . . 














Wyoming 




























Totals 


820 


274 


375 


69 


53 


25 


13 


8 | 2- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 151 



MOTION TO TAKE A RECESS. 

Mr. Foraker, of Ohio. I move you, sir, that this Convention do now take 
a recess until 10 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Dutcher, of New York. I second the motion. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. The opposing forces in this Convention 
have already passed the skirmish line, and there is one phalanx present, assured, 
confident, steadfast, certain of victory 

Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, of New York [interrupting]. I rise to a point 
of order. The point of order that I make is that the motion to adjourn is not 
debatable nor amendable. 

Mr. Stewart. We want to see this through. 

Mr. Foraeer. I amend my motion by making it that we adjourn till half- 
past seven o'clock this evening. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I rise to support Mr. Roosevelt's point of 
order. The motion is not debatable nor amendable. 

Mr. W. W. Phelps, of New Jersey. We do not wish to debate it, but to 
vote it down. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. We are ready for the shock of battle. 

The motion to adjourn was declared lost. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I demand a roll call of the States upon the motion. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan, seconded the motion. 

Mr. Roosevelt. We demand a roll call on the question of adjournment, 
and we have a right to have it. 

A Delegate from North Carolina. What is the question before the house? 

Several Delegates. Adjournment. 

Mr. Dtjtcher, of New York. I demand a call of the roll upon that 
question. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

The President. What State called for the vote to be recorded ? 

Mr. Roosevelt. The State of New York. 

Mr. Sheard, of New York. I rise to a point of order. The roll call having 
been begun, there is no other business in order. 

A Delegate. It has not been begun. 

Another Delegate. It has. 

The President . Did the gentleman from New York call for the vote to be 
recorded ? 

Mr. Dutcher. The gentleman from New York did call for the vote to be 
recorded. 

The President. What States ? 

Mr. Dutcher. New York and North Carolina. 



152 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Harris, of North Carolina. I second the motion for a call of States. 

Mr. Sheard, of New York. I rise to another point of order — that the State 
of New York has not been polled upon the demand for the roll call; and there- 
fore no gentleman has a right to demand it in her name. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. North Carolina seconds the motion for 
a call of States. 

Mr. Roosevelt. North Carolina seconds it. New York, North Carolina 
and Mississippi. 

The Clerk again called Alabama. 

Mr. Clark E. Carr, of Illinois. I rise to a point of order. Pending the 
roll call no person can be recognized by the Chair, except a person from the 
State which has been called. Alabama has been called. I ask that no person 
be recognized or permitted to make a motion until Alabama shall have expressed 
herself upon the call. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. A member can always be recognized on a 
point of order. I rise to a point of order. My point of order is that the roll 
call was called on the motion to adjourn by the request of a number of States, 
and that the call of the roll should be ordered by the Chair. 

Mr. Husted, of New York [to the President]. Fair play here, sir. 

The President. The house will come to order. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. I rise to a point of order. My point of order 
is, sir, that the demand for votes was not made until after the Chair had 
decided the motion lost a few moments ago. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I made the motion. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention : I hope no friend 
of James G. Blaine will object to having the roll call of the States made. Let 
us raise no technical objection ; I care not when the question was raised. The 
gentlemen representing the different States here have a right to the voice of 
this Convention upon this subject, and, as a friend of James G. Blaine, I insist 
that all his friends shall unite in having the roll of States called, and then vote 
that proposition clown. 

The President. The roll will be called on the question of adjournment. 

The roll was then called. 

When the State of Illinois was reached, 

Mr. S. M. Cullom said : It is difficult for any delegate in this part of the hall 
to ascertain what the question before the Convention is. 

The President. The question is, Will the Convention take a recess until 
half-past 7 o'clock this evening ? 

Mr. Cullom, of Illinois. I ask the Convention to allow the Illinois dele- 
gation a very few moments to ascertain our desires and vote. 

Mr. Winston. That is all right. 

Mr. Cullom. Illinois casts twenty-nine votes in favor of adjournment, and 
fifteen against. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 153 

Mr. B. C. Cook, of Illinois. I challenge the count, and demand a call 
of the roll. 

The President. The roll will be called. 

The roll of Illinois was then called, with the following result : 

Ayes— J. M. Hamilton, B. C. Cook, Clark E. Carr, J. L. Woodward, Abner 
Taylor, W. H. Ruger, S. B. Raymond, C. E. Fuller, Norman Lewis, O. C. 
Towne, H. T. Noble, R. W. Willett, A. J. Bell, S. T. Rogers, W. W. Wright, 
C. V. Chandler, C. A. Ballard, W. W. Berry, D. C. Smith, G. K. Ingham, 
C. G. Eckhart, L. S. Wilcox, Chas. Churchill, H. Black, J. I. Rinaker, J. M. 
Truitt, R. A. Halbert, H. Reuter, T. S. Ridgeway, T. M. Simpson, W. Mc- 
Adams — 31. 

JSToes—S. M. Cullom, C. E. Piper, G. R. Davis, J. R. Wheeler, L. C. Col- 
lins, Jr., L. M. Kelly, I. G. Baldwin, T. Vennum, R. H. Whiting, A. C. 
Matthews, Wm. Jayne, J. W. Fifer and C. T. Stratton— 13. 

When the State of New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said : New York casts 

Mr. John D. Lawson. I challenge the vote, and ask that the roll be called. 

The President. No announcement has yet been made ; and, therefore, no 
roll can be called. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. President: New York casts twenty votes for adjourn- 
ment, twenty-eight against adjournment, and the rest of the delegation do 
not vote. 

Mr. Spooner. I challenge the count, and demand a call of the roll of the 
delegation. 

The President. The roll will be called. 

The call of the roll resulted as follows : 

Ayes — Theodore Roosevelt, Andrew D. White, John I. Gilbert, Edwin 
Packard, G. W. Curtis, J. A. King (alternate), E. H. Hobbs, S. B. Dutcher, G. L. 
Pease, Wm. H. Beard, M. N. Day, C. D. Rhinehart, G. C. Bennett, J. J. O'Brien, 
J. H. Brady, J. D. Lawson, C. N. Taintor, R. G. McCord, John Collins, Geo. 
Starr (alternate), Geo. Hilliard, M. Cregan, B. Biglin, J. R. Lydecker, J. L. 
Perley (alternate), Wm. Doud, F. Raymond, J. A. Eagleston, B. B. Odell, 
B. P. Carpenter, H. Fish, Jr., Wm. E. Kisselburgh (alternate), H. G. Bur- 
leigh, G. Campbell (%), H. Griggs (%), J. Hammond, Geo. Chahoon, L. Bur- 
ritt, H. H. Warner, J. W. Wadsworth, J. D. Warren, J. Jewett, Geo. Urban, 
Jr., Lee R. Sanborn — 42. 

Noes— A. D. Baird, A. G. McCook, W. H. Robertson, J. W. Husted, D. J. 
Blauvelt, T. Cornell, D. Ballentine, J. Lamb {%), J. A. Houck (%), George 
West, J. Kellogg, L. W. Russell, G. A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, R. J. Rich- 
ardson (alternate), Hobart Krum, Titus Sheard, C. E. Smith, H. L. Duguid, 
T. C. Piatt, M. DeLano, D. D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, J. W. Dwight, W. 
L. Smith, G. R. Cornwell, S. T. Hayt, E. L. Pitts, N. M. Allen, F. S. Smith 
—29. 



154 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The vote of North Carolina was announced as sixteen yeas and six 
nays. A delegate asked to have the vote polled, which was done, with 
the following result : 

Ayes— J. J. Mott, J. E. O'Hara, J. B. Hill, Isaac J. Young, C. D. Upchurch, 
T. B. Keogh, P. H. Winston, Jr., W. W. Jenkens (alternate), E. J. Penny- 
packer, H. C. Cowles, A. S. Richardson, L. L. Green, J. B. Eaves, H. D. 
Hunt (alternate) — 13. 

Noes—W. S. Docker, J. H. Harris, E. A. White, J. C. Dancy, J. S. Leary, 
J. H. Williamson— 6. 

The vote of Pennsylvania was announced as yeas nine, nays fifty- 
one. 

Mr. David H. Lane, of Pennsylvania. I challenge the correctness of the 
announcement, and ask that the roll of Pennsylvania be called. 
The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary called the roll for Pennsylvania, with the following 

result : 

Ayes— J. McManes, H. H. Bingham, W. J. Pollock, D. H. Lane, H Hunter, 
J. T. Thompson, John Ruhl, J. A. M. Passmore, J. Y. Sollenberger, C. L. 
Magce, Wm. Flynn — 11. i 

Noes— J. L. Hill (alternate), P. L. Kimberly, J. W. Lee, L. Emery, Jr., 
W. H. Jessup, W. H. Leeds, A. Crowe, Jr., W. E. Rowan, B. F. Fisher, 
Richard Young, R. M. Yardley, J. P. H. Jenkins, S. R. Deppen, F. S. Liven- 
good, E. Reimhold, L. S. Hartman, S. Thomas, W. S. Kirkpatrick, James 
Cruikshank, J. C. Brown, H. B. Payne, H. M. Boies, H. Brock, J. H. Wagner, 
F. F. Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. Schieffelin, C. W. Hill, D. J. Morrell, E. Scull, 
J. Stewart, B. F. Wagonseller (alternate), W. H. Lanius, J. A. Kitzmiller, E. 
A. Irwin, T. C. Thornton, J. K. Ewing, J. E. Sayers, T. M. Bayne, E. M. 
Byers, E. F. Acheson, J. W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. Howard, T. C. 
Cochran, W. H. H. Riddle, E.W.Echols, J. Johnson— 48. 

When Tennessee was called, 

Mr. Houck, the Chairman of the delegation, said : Ayes, twenty-four. 
Mr. J. H. Smith, of Tennessee. I demand a call of Tennessee. I object to 
that count. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary did so, and the result was as follows : 

Ayes— J. C. Napier, T. F. Cassells, W. C. Chandler, W. C. Chumlea, H. F. 
Griscom, B. W. Buford, John Pruitt, H. L. W. Cheatham, B. J. Hadley, R. 
Harris, C. Harris, J. H. Smith— 12. 

Noes—W. P. Brownlow, L. C. Houck, A. H. Pettibone, J. W. Brown, 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



155 



F. V. Brown, W. Y. Elliott, W. M. Ekin, A. M. Hughes, Jr., S. W. Hawkins, 
J. C. Watson, M. E. Bell, S. A. McElwee-^12. 

Upon the completion of the roll call, the Secretary announced the 
vote as follows : 

BALLOT ON MOTION FOB RECESS. 

Total number of votes . 814 

Ayes.. ' 364 

Noes 450 

Majority against 84 



States and Territories. 


Ayes. Noes. 


States and Territories. 


Ayes. Noes. 


Alabama 


.... 17 


3 


New York 


... 42 


29 


Arkansas 


3 


11 


North Carolina 


... 14 


6 


California 




16 


Ohio 


... 17 


28 


Colorado 




6 


Oregon 




6 


Connecticut 




12 


Pennsylvania 


... 11 


48 


Delaware 


i 


5 


Rhode Island 


7 


1 


Florida 


5 


3 


South Carolina 


... 16 


2 


Georgia 


.... 24 




Tennessee 


... 12 


12 


Illinois 


.... 31 


13 


Texas 


... 10 


16 


Indiana 


8 


22 


Vermont .... 




8 


Iowa 


2 


24 


Virginia 


... 20 


4 


Kansas .. 




18 


W est Virginia _■ 




12 


Kentucky 


.... 18 


8 


Wisconsin 


... 10 


12 


Louisiana 


7 


8 


Arizona 




2 


Maine 




12 


Dakota 




2 


Maryland 


4 


12 


District of Columbia... 


1 


1 


Massachusetts 


.... 23 


5 


Idaho 




2 


Michigan 


8 


18 


Montana 


1 


1 


Minnesota 




14 


New Mexico 


2 




Mississippi 


.... i7 


1 


Utah 


2 




Missouri 


.... 10 


22 


W ashington 




2 


Nebraska 




10 


Wyoming. ._ 




2 


Nevada 




6 









New Hampshire 


8 





Totals 


... 364 


450 


New Jersey — 


5 


13 









The President. The motion to adjourn is lost. 

Upon the announcement being made, there was great applause 
and confusion. 



Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I move that we proceed to another roll 



call. 



MOTION TO NOMINATE BLAINE BY ACCLAMATION. 



Judge Foraker, of Ohio. I move, sir, that the rules of the Convention be 
suspended, and that James G-. Blaine be nominated by acclamation. [Loud 
cheers, and cries of "No, no."] 

Mr. Winston. I move that we proceed with the order of business. I de- 
mand & call of the roll. 



156 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Massey, of Delaware. I demand the regular order. 

Mr. Roosevelt, of New York. Call the roll. 

Mr. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I call for order. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I desire to inquire how Mr. Cassells voted. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio has the floor. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President : Have you got my motion ? 

The President. Please state your motion. 

Mr. Foraker. My motion is, Mr. President, that the rules of this 
Convention be suspended, and that James G. Blaine be nominated by 
acclamation. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I ask that the roll be called. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. Mr. President: I demand the regular order, 
and a call of the roll. 

Mr. Roosevelt. On behalf of New York, I demand a call of the roll. 

Mr. Burrows. I demand a call of the roll. I hope my friend from Ohio 
will withdraw his motion to declare the nomination by acclamation, and pro- 
ceed to a ballot. [Cries of "Withdraw, withdraw."] 

Mr. Foraker. In order that the time of this Convention may be saved, 
and at the request of several members, I withdraw the motion I made. 

CALLING THE ROLL FOR THE FOURTH BALLOT. 

The President. The business now before the Convention is the fourth 
ballot for a candidate for President. The Secretary will proceed to call 
the roll. 

The Secretary called Alabama. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. I ask, Mr. President, that the roll call may be 
suspended one moment, in order that the delegation may be polled. There has 
been so much confusion that I have been unable to poll the delegation. 

The President. The Chairman of the delegation must first announce the 
vote before he can call the roll under the rule. 

Mr. Turner. I can not make the announcement until I see the delegation 
and know how they want to vote. 

The Secretary. Alabama. Make some kind of an announcement, and 
then object to it. 

Mr. Turner. Alabama gives twelve votes for Chester A. Arthur, and eight 
votes for James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. It is utterly impossible, Mr. President, to hear 
a word; and unless order can be restored, I shall move that this Convention 
adjourn to a hall by itself, where it can complete its labors. 

When the vote of Florida had been announced by the Chairman 
of the delegation, 

Mr. Long, of that State, said : I challenge the vote of Florida. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 157 

The President. The roll will be called. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. 

When the name of Joseph E. Lee was called, he arose and said: The old 
guard dies, but never surrenders ! — Chester A. Arthur. 

The call resulted as follows : 

For Arthur — Dennis Eagan, Joseph E. Lee, Jesse D. Cole, Wm. G. Stew- 
art and A. C. Lightborne — 5. 

For Blaine — James N. Combs, John G. Long and H. W. Chandler — 3. 

When Georgia was called, 

Mr. Buck, the Chairman of that delegation, said : By instructions of my 
delegation before coming into this Convention, we agreed to act as a unit. A 
majority of the delegation are still for Chester A. Arthur, and unless a vote is 
called, I shall so announce. Twenty-four votes for Arthur. 

The President. Is there any contest in Georgia ? 

Several Delegates. No, no. 

When Illinois was reached, 

Mr. S. M. Cullom said: Mr. President: 1 asK leave of this Convention 
to read a dispatch which I received a few moments ago from Gen. John A. Logan, 
addressed to the Illinois delegation. [Cries of "Object;" "Regular order;" 
"Call the roll."] 

Mr. Cullom. I ask permission to read this telegram : — "To the Repub- 
licans" [Cries of "No," "Regular order."] 

Mr. Cullom — I am instructed by Gen. Logan to withdraw his name from 
this Convention, and shall send the dispatch to the Secretary's desk to be read. 
[Great confusion, and cries of " No, no, no."] 

The President — The dispatch can not be read except with the unanimous 
consent of the Convention. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. Mr. President, I make this point of order, 
that the reading of the dispatch is not in order, and nothing is except the call- 
ing of the roll. 

The President. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. Cullom. The Illinois delegation then withdraws the name of Gen. 
Logan, and gives for Blaine thirty-four votes, for Logan seven, for Arthur 
three. [Loud cheering and great confusion.] 

Mr. Piper. For fear there may be some mistake, I shall challenge the vote, 
and ask for a call of the roll. There is so much confusion here it is impossible 
to tell what is being done. I challenge the vote, and demand a roll call. 

The roll of Illinois was then called, with the following result : 

For Blaine— S. M. Cullom, B. C. Cook, C. E. Carr, J. L. Woodward, W. H. 
Ruger, C. E. Piper, G. R. Davis, J. R. Wheeler, L. C. Collins, Jr., L. M. 



158 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Kelly, C. E. Fuller, Norman Lewis O. C. Towne, I. G. Baldwin, H. T. Noble, 
R. W. Willett, A. J. Bell, S. T. Rogers, Thomas Vennum, W. W. Wright, C. 
Y. Chandler, C. A. Ballard, A. C. Matthews, William Jayne, D. C. Smith, J. 
W. Fifer, C. G. Eckhart, L. S. Wilcox, C. Churchill, J. M. Truitt, H. Reuter, 
T. S. Ridgeway, C. T. Stratton, T. M. Simpson— 34. 

For Logan— W. W. Berry, G. K. Ingham, H. Black, J. I. Rinaker, R. A. 
Halbert, W. McAdam— 6. 

For Arthur — J. M. Hamilton, Abner Taylor, S. B. Raymond — 3. 

When Kentucky was reached, the Chairman announced the vote, as 
follows: Lincoln, one ; Logan, one; Blaine, nine; Arthur, fifteen. 

Mr. Scarlett, of Kentucky, I challenge the vote of Kentucky, and ask 
for a call of the roll. 

Mr. Trimble. I challenge the vote, and demand a call of the roll. 

The roll was called, with the following result : 

For Arthur— Walter Evans, W. O. Bradley, W. W. Culbertson, J. W. 
Lewis, Edwin Farley, P. C. Bragg, J. Z. Moore, James J. Landes, G. P. Jolly, 
E. Hilpp, S. F. Miller {%), J. M. Brown {%), J. A. Scarlett, R. P. Stoll, G. 
M. Thomas, A. J. Auxier — 15. 

For Blaine — W. L. Hazslip, A. Allensworth, A. E. Wilson (J^), M. Min- 
ton(i^), L. R. Hawthorne (alternate), W. C. Goodloe, Geo. Denny, Jr., T. S. 
Bradford, R. A. Buckner, Jr., H. G. Trimble— 9. 

For Logan — Robert Boyd — 1. 

For Lincoln — J. C. Eversole — 1. 

When Louisiana was reached, the Chairman of that delegation 
announced the vote as six for Arthur and nine for Blaine. 

Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana. I desire to have this vote polled. 

The vote was accordingly polled, with the following result : 

For Blaine— W. P. Kellogg, R. F. Guichard, P. F. Herwig, Geo. Drury, 
Wm. Harper, Frank Morey, E. W. Wall, L. J. Souer, C. Morgan— 9. 

For Arthur— A. J. Dumont, P. B. S. Pinchback, A. S. Badger, W. B. 
Merchant, H. Demas, L. A. Martinet, A. J. Smith (alternate) — 7. 

Mr. Kellogg. I desire to state to the Convention, in justice to myself, that 
I polled the delegation, and that Mr. Dcmas voted for Blaine, but changed his 
vote to Arthur; and another member, rather than to have it on record in that 
manner, took his place and voted for Blaine. 

The President. The gentleman from Louisiana, Mr. Kellogg, is out of 
order. 

When Maine was called, 

The Chairman said : Maine has twelve votes for her idol, James G. 
Blaine. 






REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 159 

When Massachusetts was called, the Chairman of that delegation 
stated the vote to be seventeen for Edmunds, eight for Arthur and 
three for Blaine. 

Mr. Stone, of Massachusetts. I challenge the vote of Massachusetts, and 
ask for a poll. 

The delegation was then polled, and the result was as follows : 

For Edmunds— G. F. Hoar, W. W. Crapo, J. D. Long, H. C. Lodge, F. 
M. Ames, E. L. Ripley, H. P. Kidder, E. L. Pierce, E. Stearns, J. F. Andrew, 
A. F. Breed, C. D. Wright, E. H. Haskell, Geo. W. Cate, F. T. G-reenhalze, 
J. G. Ray, R. R. Bishop, W. W. Rice— 18. 

For Arthur— J. Bourne, F. S. Stevens, A. C. Stone, C. C. Conant, Rod- 
ney Wallace, H. S Hyde, E. S. Wilkinson (alternate)— 7. 

For Blaine— J. M. Gove, John Taylor (alternate), CD. Paige (alternate) 
—3. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said: New York casts 1 vote for Robert T. Lincoln, 2 votes for 
Joseph R. Hawley, 9 votes for George F. Edmunds, 29 votes for James G. 
Blaine, 31 votes for Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. John D. Lawson, of New York. Mr. President: I question that vote, 
and ask for a call of the roll. 

Mr. Roosivelt. Stick to it, Lawson ! 

Mr. Lawson. I challenge the vote, and ask for a call. 

The Secretary then called the roll of New York, with the follow- 
ing result : 

For Arthur— S. B. Dutcher, W. H. Beard, M. N. Day, C. D. Rhinehart, 
G. C. Bennett, J. J. O'Brien, J. H. Brady, J. D. Lawson, C. N. Taintor, R. G. 
McCord, John Collins, Geo. Starr (alternate), Geo. Hilliard, M. Cregan, B. Big- 
lin, J. R. Lydecker, Chas. Whittock (alternate), J. L. Perley (alternate), F. 
Raymond, J. A. Eagleston, B. P. Carpenter, H. Fish, Jr., W. E. Kisselburgh 
(alternate), H. G. Burleigh, Geo. Campbell (%), A. S. Draper (alternate) (i£), 
Geo. Chahoon, J. D. Warren, J. Jewett, Geo. Urban, Jr., Lee R. Sanborn — 30. 

For Blaine— A. G. McCook, W. H. Robertson, J. W. Husted, D. J. Blau- 
velt, T. Cornell, D. Ballentme, J. Lamb {y 2 ), J. A. Houck (%), Geo. West, 
J. Kellogg, L. W. Russell, G. A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, R. J. Richardson 
(alternate), H. Krum, Titus Sheard, C. E. Smith, James Frazel (alternate), T. 
C. Piatt, M. De Lano, D. D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, J. W. Dwight, W. L. 
Smith, G. R. Cornwell, S. T. Hayt, L. Burritt, E. L. Pitts, N. M. Allen, F. S. 
Smith— 29. 

For Edmunds— T. Roosevelt, A. D. White, J. I. Gilbert, E. Packard, G. 
W. Curtis, J. M. Crane, G L. Pease, B. B. Odell, J. W. Wadsworth— 9. 

For Hawley— E. H. Hobbs— 1. 

Foil Lincoln — H. H. Warner — 1. 



160 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

When North Carolina was called, the Chairman announced her 
vote as one for Hawley, seven for Blaine, and fourteen for Arthur. 

Mr. Williamson. Mr. Chairman : I request that the North Carolina dele- 
gation be polled. 

The President. The Chair announces that that is not sufficient ground 
to entitle the gentleman to the call. Does he say that the count is incorrect ? 

Mr. Williamson. Yes, sir: I challenge the vote, and demand that the dele- 
gation be polled. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary called the roll, with the following result : 

For Arthur— J. J. Matt, J. E. O'Hara, J. B. Hill, Isaac J. Young, L. W. 
Humphrey, T. B. Keogh, P. H. Winston, Jr., W. W. Jenkens (alternate), E. J. 
Pennypacker, H. C. Cowles, W. E. Henderson, L. L. Green — 12. 

For Blaine— W. S.Dockey, J. H. Harris, E. A. White, J. C. Dancy, J. S. 
Leary, J. H. Williamson, J. B. Eaves, T. J. Candler— 8. 

For Hawley — C. D. Upchurch — 1. 

When the Secretary called the State of Ohio, Mr. Foraker said : 

Mr. Chairman: For what I supposed to be for the best interests of the 
party, I presented to this Convention the name of John Sherman. Also, sup- 
posing it to be for the best interests of the party, we have until now faithfully 
and most cordially supported him. Now, also, in the interest of the party, we 
withdraw him, and cast for James G. Blaine forty-six votes. 

When South Carolina was called, the Chairman announced the 
vote as two for Blaine and sixteen for Arthur. 

Mr. Lee. I dispute the correctness of the vote, and ask a poll vote of the 
delegation. 

The Secretary then called the roll, and the vote was recorded as 
follows : 

For Arthur— R. Smalls, W. K Taft, E. M. Brayton, Samuel Lee, J. M. 
Freeman, E. H. Webster, Paris Simpkins, S. E. Smith, E. F. Blodgett, R. W. 
Boone, C. M. Wilder, E. H. Dibble, E. H. Deas, T. B. Johnston, W. H. 
Thompson — 15. 

For Blaine— Wilson Cook, C. C. Macoy— 2. 

For Edmunds — D. T. Corbin — 1. 

When Tennessee was called, Mr. Houck announced the vote as, 
Arthur, thirteen ; Blaine, ten ; Logan, one. 

Mr. W. P. Brownlow\ I challenge the correctness of the count of Ten- 
nessee. 

Mr. Cassells. I challenge the count, and ask for a call of the roll. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 161 

The roll was called, and the result was as follows : 

For Arthur— L. C. Houck, J. C. Napier, T. F. Cassells, W. C. Chandler, 
H. F. Griscom, B. W. Burford, J. S. Smith (alternate), H. L. Wi Cheatham, A., 
M. Hughes, Jr., Richard Harris, Carter Harris, J. H. Smith — 12. 

For Blaine— W. P. Brownlow, A. H. Pettibone, J. W. Browa. W. C. 
Chumlea, F. V. Brown, J. C. McAdams (alternate), W. M. Ekin, S. W. Haw- 
kins, J. C. Watson, M. E. Bell, S. A. McElwee— 11. 

When Texas was called, the Chairman of the delegation, Mr. 
Binkley, announced the vote as, Arthur, eleven ; Blaine, fourteen ; 
Logan, one. 

Mr. J. S. Witner, of Texas. I challenge the correctness of the vote, and 
ask that the roll be called. 

The President. The roll of the State will be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll for Texas. 

Mr. Binkley. I would like to have the name of Mr. Cleve called. 
The Secretary. Frank L. Cleve. 

Mr. Binkley. I was authorized to cast his vote for James G. Blaine. 
The Secretary. You can't do it. 

The result was as follows : 

For Blaine— C. C. Binkley, N". W. Cuney, Robert Zapp, R. J. Evans, J. 
D. Davis, J. R. Carter, O. T. Lyon, J. S. Witner, J. C. Akens, H. C. Ferguson, 
A. J. Rosenthal, Henry Green, W. H. Blont, R. Hanschke, R. F. Campbell— 15. 

For Arthur— R. Allen, J. B. Farris, G. "W. Burkitt, W. Flannagan, A. G. 
Malloy, B. B. Rentfro, J. C. De Gress, H. H. McConnell— 8. 

When the District of Columbia was called, 

Mr. Carson said: The District of Columbia casts two votes for James G. 
Blaine. 

Mr. Conger. I challenge that vote. 
Several Delegates. Call the roll. 
The President. Call the roll. 

i 
The Secretary did so, and the result was : 

For Arthur — Frank Conger. 
For Blaine — Perry H. Carson. 

The Secretary then completed the roll call. 

Mr. Strobach, of Alabama. I move that the record be read, so that we 
may know how our votes are recorded. Is there any objection to it ? We 
would like to put our names on record how we voted. 

The President. It is too late; it can not be done now. 
11 



162 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



/ 



The Secretary announced the result of the fourth ballot, as 
follows : 

T71iole number of delegates 820 

Necessary to a choice 411 

"Whole number of votes cast _ 813 

Robert T. Lincoln 2 

John A. Logan. 7 

Joseph R. Hawley . 15 

George F. Edmunds 41 

Chester A. Arthur 207 

James G. Blaine ______ 541 

The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 



States and Territories. 


O 
> 

6 


a 
< 




P 

P 
H 


to 

< 
3 

i-5 


H 
< 



1 
3 


Alabama _._ - 


20 
14 
16 

6 
12 

6 

8 
24 
44 
30 
26 
18 
26 
16 
12 
16 
28 
26 
14 
18 
32 
10 

6 

8 
18 
72 
22 
46 

6 
60 

8 
18 
24 
26 


12 
3 


8 
11 
16 

6 










Arkansas 










California _ 




Colorado 










Connecticut __ . 






12 




Delaware 


1 

5 

24 

3 

"a" 

"is" 

7 
.... 

7 

"ib" 

..... 

~3o~ 
12 

"~8 

1 
15 
12 

8 


5 
3 








Florida . . _ 










Georgia 










Illinois _ - 


34 
30 
24 
18 

9 

9 

12 
15 

3 
26 
14 

2 
32 
10 

6 

3 

17 
29 

8 
46 

6 
51 

7 

2 

11 
15 




6 






Indiana . 






Iowa _ . 










Kansas 










Kentucky. _. 

Louisiana 




1 





1 


Maine 


- 








Marvland 










Massachusetts _ 


18 








Michigan 




Minnesota 










Mississippi 










Missouri _ 


---- 









Nebraska 




Nevada 








New Hampshire 


3 

1 
9 









New Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina 


"2" 
1 


.... 


Ohio 

Oregon 








Pennsylvania 


1 








Rhode Island 




South Carolina 


1 




- 




Tennessee 




Texas 











REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



163 



States and Territories. 


1 
> 
o 
o 

S25 


« 
is 

a 

< 


g 
•4 
pq 


DO 

EH 


55 


h-3 


9 

* 




Vermont 


8 
24 

12 
22 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 






8 








Virginia 


20 

..... 

"2 


4 
12 
22 
2 
2 
1 
2 
2 




West Virginia 

Wisconsin 










Arizona 










Dakota 










District of Columbia _. 










Idaho 










Montana 










New Mexico . 










Utah. 


2 
2 
2 










Washington 




I 




Wyoming 














Totals 


820 


207 


541 


41 


7 


15 


2 



The announcement of the vote provoked a scene of the wildest 
confusion, the cheering and applause continuing for several minutes. 

The President. James G. Blaine, of Maine, having received the votes of 
a majority of all the delegates elected to this Convention, the question now 
before the Convention is, Shall the nomination of Mr. Blaine be made unani- 
mous ? On that motion the Chair recognizes Mr. Burleigh, of New York. 

Mr. Burleigh, of New York. Mr. President: In behalf of the President of 
the United States, and at his request, I move to make the nomination of James 
G. Blaine unanimous; and I promise for the friends of President Arthur, who 
are always loyal at the polls, and for Northern New York, 20,000 Republican 
majority. And I promise you that we will do all we can for the ticket and 
the nominee; and we will show you in November next that New York is a 
Republican State. It elected James A. Garfield, and it will elect James G. 
Blaine, of Maine. 

Mr. Dwight M. Sabin, of Minnesota. Four years ago, in this very hall, 
and as a delegate to the National Republican Convention, I was opposed to 
Chester A. Arthur and to the elements with which he then associated. Since 
then, he has been called, under the most trying circumstances, to fill the first 
place in the gift of the people of this country. So well, so nobly, has he filled 
that trust; so happily has he disappointed not only those who were his oppo- 
nents, but his friends; so fully has he filled the position of the gentleman that 
he is — of a scholar and of a gentleman possessed of that great, good common 
sense which has made his administration a great and pronounced success — that 
he has grown upon me, until to-day I honor and revere Chester A. Arthur. 

As a friend of his I no less honor and revere that prince of gentlemen, that 
scholar, that gifted statesman, James G. Blaine. And it affords me the 
greatest pleasure to second the motion to make his nomination unanimous, and 
with the prediction that his name, before this country in November, will pro- 



164 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

duce the same spontaneous enthusiasm which will make him President of the 
United States the 4th of March next. 

Mr. P. B. Plumb, of Kansas. This Convention has discharged one of its 
most important trusts, and is now, notwithstanding the length of time it has 
been in session and the exciting scenes through which it has passed, in thorough 
good humor, and I believe ready to go on and conclude the business which 
brought us here. 

Mr. Winston. I move that this Convention do now take a recess to eight 
o'clock this evening. 

The President. The question is upon making the nomination unanimous. 

A Delegate. I call for the regular order. 

Mr. Plumb. Mr. President, before proceeding to this I desire also, in con- 
nection with the Senator from Minnesota, and responding to the sentiment 
which pervades this entire Convention, to second the motion that this nomi- 
nation be made unanimous, and I hope there will not be a dissenting voice in 
all this vast assemblage. 

The Secretary. I have been requested to read to the Convention the 
following telegraphic dispatch: 

' ' The President has sent the following dispatch to Mr. Blaine : 

"'To the Hon. James G. Blaine, Augusta, Me. As the candidate of the 
Republican party you will have my earnest and cordial support. 

" 'CHESTER A. ARTHUR.' " 

The announcement was received with applause. 

The President. The motion is, Shall the nomination of Mr. Blaine be 
made unanimous ? 

The motion was carried amidst great cheering. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. I move that this Convention take a recess 
until 8 o'clock this evening. 

The motion was carried, and the Convention accordingly took a 
recess until 8 o'clock. 



EVENING SESSION. 

June 6, 1884. 

The Convention was called to order at 8.15 by the President. 

The President. The evening session of the Convention will be opened 
with prayer by the Rev. Dr. O'Reilly, of Detroit. 



Let us pray. O Almighty and merciful God, who in Thy wisdom knoweth 
all hearts, and in Thy goodness guideth the councils of men, lend, we beseech 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 165 

Thee, to this assembly, the light of Thy countenance, and direct its deliberations 
to the preserving of good conscience, and to the prosperity of this favored 
land. Bless, we beseech Thee, the beneficent institutions of this great Republic. 
Grant to its children the furtherance of that liberty which was a heritage from 
pious ancestors. Give them, O God, the grace of fraternal charity and the 
wisdom of the fear of Thee. O clement God ! mercifully regard not our ignor- 
ances ; be unmindful of our offenses ; mindful only of Thy mercy. Deliver us 
from all evil through the merits of Thy Divine Son, our Lord and Saviour 
Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Mr. Abner Taylor, of Illinois. Mr. President 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE MEMBERSHIP. 

The President. The gentleman will suspend for one moment. There is 
a matter of unfinished business. The States and Territories which have not 
yet sent up their members for the National Executive Committee will now 
send them up. 

The Secretary. Florida. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee, of Florida. Jesse D. Cole. 

The Secretary. Nebraska. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. What is the call for ? 

The President. For the member of the National Committee. 

Mr. Tbxrston. Nebraska sent in on the first call the name of Church Howe. 

The Secretary. Kansas. 

Mr. P. B. Pltjmb. Mr. John A. Martin, who was first selected by the 
delegation, having resigned, we desire to present the name of Cyrus Leland, Jr. 
as a member of the National Committee. 

The Secretary. Colorado. 

Mr. Alex. Gullett, of Colorado. Pass Colorado for the time being. The 
Chairman is not here, and the delegation has not yet agreed upon a com- 
mitteeman. [The name of Jerome B. Chaffee was subsequently presented.] 

Air. Horace Davis, of California. I desire to offer a resolution respecting 
the filling of vacancies of the Republican National Committee — a matter omitted 
in the rules. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward. 

Mr. Perry H. Carson. Mr. President 

The President. I can not entertain any motion now. There is a matter 
before the Convention. 

Mr. Carson. This is not a motion. This is to fill the National Committee. 

The President. Call the District of Columbia. 

The Secretary. The District of Columbia. 

Mr. Arthur Smith, of the District of Columbia. The District of Columbia 
desires to name Col. Perry H. Carson. 

The Secretary read the following, offered by Mr. Davis, of 

California : 

Resolved, That in case of a vacancy occurring in the Republican National 
Committee, such vacancy may be filled by the State Central Committee of the 
State, Territory or district thus left unrepresented. 



166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The resolution was adopted. 

Mr. Taylor, of Illinois. I desire to offer a resolution, which I will read. 

Mr. F. B. Conger, of the District of Columbia. Mr. President: I have been 
trying to get recognized for some time. 

A Delegate. I call for the regular order. 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Taylor] is entitled to 
the floor. 

Mr. Conger. I am from the District of Columbia ; and I understand that 
Mr. Carson's name has been put on the National Committee ; and I object 
to it. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. Mr. President- 

Mr. Abner Taylor, of Illinois. I offer the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the time be limited to ten minutes in presenting names for 
Vice-President ; and may be occupied by one or more persons. 

I offer that resolution. 

The President. Send forward the resolution. 

Mr. Conger. I have protested against this name of Mr. Carson 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. I am not out of order. 

The President. There is a gentleman on the floor now. 

Mr. Taylor. I move the suspension of the rules for a vote on that reso- 
lution. 

Mr. Conger. I desire to enter my protest against his name going on the 
committee. 

The President. Well, you will enter it. 

Mr. Conger. I want to know whether one delegate of the District has got 
the right to put his name on the committee. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. I am not out of order. I appeal from the decision of the 
Chair. I have not agreed to that name. And I don't intend to agree to it, 
either. 

The President. The Secretary will read the resolution offered by the gen- 
tleman from Illinois [Mr. Taylor], 

The Secretary repeated the resolution as read by Mr. Taylor. 

Mr. Taylor. I move its adoption. 

Mr. Horr, of Michigan. We could not hear one word of it. We would 
like to know what it is. 

Mr. Conger. I want to know if you are going to stifle the voice of the 
District of Columbia in this Convention. 

The President. The Chair would be exceedingly gratified if he could. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. There is a matter now before the Convention. 

Mr. Conger. I rise to a point of order. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 167 

The President. Read the resolution again. 

The Secretary [reading], " Resolved, that the time shall be limited to ten 
minutes in presenting names" 

Mr. Conger. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. I think I have a right to make my point before you decide 
me out of order. 

The President. There is a matter now before the Convention. 

Mr. Conger. I rose before that was proposed. 

The President. The gentleman will please take his seat. 

Mr. Conger. I take my seat in deference to the Chair, and for no other 
reason . [Laughter. ] 

The Secretary read Mr. Taylor's resolution again. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the resolution. 

Mr. Lawson, of New York. We haven't heard what the resolution is, there 
is so much confusion. I ask that the resolution may be reported again, so that 
we shall know what it is we are to vote upon. 

The President. I shall have to send a Sergeant-at-arms to read it to each 
member of the Convention unless you will keep silence. 

Mr. Lawson. I would suspend the business until the Convention came to 
order, if I was in the chair. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. We can't hear a word. 

Mr. Buttrick, of West Virginia. I suggest we suspend business for fifteen 
minutes, to allow delegates to talk. We have wanted to hear, but they talk, 
and take up time talking, so that we do not hear a word. 

Mr. Llewellyn, of New Mexico. The gentleman named for the member 
of the National Committee from New Mexico having resigned, the delegation 
desires to have the name of the Hon. Stephen B. Elkins placed upon the 
National Executive Committee from New Mexico. 

The President. It will be so done. 

Mr. Conger. I desire to know whether the name of Perry H. Carson is to 
be placed upon the roll of the National Committee against my protest. I wish 
the ruling of the Chair. 

The President. The name has been placed on the roll. 

Mr. Conger. On what ground ? 

The President. Because it was announced by the gentleman who rose. 

Mr. Conger. I am the Chairman of the District of Columbia delegation. 
That gentleman is not. He has jumped up here repeatedly to-day and ignored 
the Chairman of that delegation. I say I never have consented to his going on 
the roll. His alternate is not here. I say he never had any authority for his 
name to be placed there. 

The President. The gentleman was absent from his seat, and his alternate 
made the announcement. 

Mr. Conger. No: I was right over there. I think I have rights here. Do 
you decide that one member of the delegation can name the member of the 
National Committee ? 



168 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. You are in order. 

Mr. Conger. Can one member of a delegation name the member of the 
National Committee ? 

Mr. Spooner. My point of order is, that no delegate to this Convention 
can be regarded as not in his place when he is upon the floor of this Conven- 
tion; and that the Chair can not disregard his protest; but that the result 
announced by the delegate, Mr. Carson, from the District of Columbia, being 
challenged by a member of that delegation, the Chair must call the roll of that 
delegation. 

Mr. Carson, of the District of Columbia. I and my alternate agreed to 
appoint me as a member of the National Committee, in the absence of Mr. 
Conger. 

Mr. Spooner. My first point of order is, that Mr. Conger, being on the floor 
of this Convention, can not be declared not entitled to his voice. He need not 
be in one particular chair. 

The President. The Chair announces that the District of Columbia was 
called, and a name was presented and placed on the roll; and no protest was 
made until that was done. 

Mr. Conger. I protested at the time. I demanded that the Chair should 
hear me. I came down that aisle and demanded it, sir. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I rise to a point of order. We want some order 
here. If we can not get it in any other way, give us the Sergeant-at-arms. The 
closing scenes of this Convention certainly ought to have more order about 
them. 

The President. The question now before the Convention is the nomina- 
tion of a candidate for Vice-President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Mr. Taylor, of Illinois. You have not disposed of my resolution yet. It is 
before this Convention, and must be acted upon. 

The resolution was again read by the Secretary. 

Mr. Taylor. I have moved its adoption. 

The resolution was then adopted, unanimously. 

nomination for vice-president. 

The roll of the States was called for the nomination of candidates 
for Vice-President. 

When Illinois was called, Mr P. B. Plumb, of Kansas, came for- 
ward and spoke as follows : 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : This Convention has 
already discharged two of the most serious obligations which rested upon it : 
the adoption of a platform, and the nomination of a candidate for the Presi- 
dency. The platform is one upon which all good Republicans and all good 






REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 169 

citizens can safely stand, for it voices their sentiments and best interests. The 
candidate for the Presidency needs no eulogium from me; and I can only say for 
him that he can beat any man in the Democratic party, whether that man be dead 
or whether he be alive ! Upon that statement it might seem a matter of compara- 
tive indifference as to who should fill the second place; but, Mr. President and 
gentlemen, there is such a thing as proportion. Having nominated a states- 
man of approved reputation, a man of whom we are all proud, we owe it to him, 
as we owe it to the party, to nominate the best and most available man we have 
for the second place. 

Mr. President, this is the first time in the history of the Republican party 
since the war, when the man who is to fill the first place is not a soldier. There 
are a million men yet living who served their country in the late war. And 
now, Mr. President, after the lapse of twenty years since the close of that war, 
they are bound together by ties as strong as they ever were while serving under 
arms; and the great brotherhood of the soldiery of the United States is one of 
the most important factors in the social and political life of the American 
Republic. It is due, not as a matter of availability, but as a matter of just 
recognition to that great body of soldiers who made the Republican party 
possible, that a fit representative of theirs should have the second place upon the 
ticket; a man who combines within himself not only the qualities of a soldier, 
but also the qualities of a statesman, because the American people are be- 
coming considerate as to who shall be Vice-President ; and it is a matter of 
grave concern that the man to be chosen shall be fit to step into the shoes of 
the man in the first place. 

Mr. President, as I said, if it were only a question of electing a ticket, we 
might nominate anybody. But it is more than that. It is not only a question 
of electing a President and a Vice-President, but it is a question of the election 
of a majority of the House of Representatives in Congress. It is a question 
of rehabilitating States where legislatures have been lost, and consequently 
members of the Senate have been equally lost. We want, therefore, to 
strengthen the ticket, if that can be done, by adding to it a man who has his 
representatives in all portions of this broad land, in every county, in every 
township, in every school district, in every representative district, in order 
that the ticket may be carried to the farthest confines of the Republic, and 
its remotest places, with that good will and recognition which will make sure 
of a full vote. 

We are now at the period when, more than at any other since the close of 
the war, the kindly feeling growing out of mutual service and sacrifice has come 
up. Out of that kindly feeling has grown the organization of the Grand Army 
of the Republic, which has now in its communion more than three-quarters of 
a million of the men who lately wore the blue. They are mainly Republicans, 
because the Republican party is true to them, to their interests, and to all those 
things for which they fought and sacrificed ; and it is only just and proper 
that, in making tickets as in making platforms, we should recognize that great 
body of honorable and self-sacrificing men. 

Mr. President and gentlemen, in presenting to you a candidate, I shall pre- 
sent one to you who, I believe, fills all the qualifications necessary for even the 



170 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

first place on this ticket ; a man whose military record is of exceptional merit, 
and whose civil record will not be obscured by even so brilliant a one as that 
of the head of the ticket. And that is the kind of a man that we want; a man 
tried in war and a man tried in peace; a man who has worn in every capacity 
in which he has been tried, until to-day his name and his fame are a part of 
the proud heritage of the American people. 

By the terms of your resolution you have abridged that which I would say, 
but it is enough for me to say that the man whom I present for your considera- 
tion, believing that he will add strength to the ticket, and believing that he 
will justify the expectations of the men of whom I have spoken is Gen. 
John A. Logan, of Illinois. 

I do not present him on behalf of Illinois ; nor do I present him on behalf 
of Kansas, nor of any single State, but on behalf of all the States. His repu- 
tation is no more the property of Illinois than it is of Kansas; but there are 
75,000 ex-soldiers of the late War upon the prairies of Kansas, who, with one 
accord, when they hear of the nomination of John A. Logan, will rise up and 
indorse it and ratify it. 

I know Illinois begrudges him to the country. Like Hosea Bigelow's wife, 
they "want him for home consumption." But, Mr. President, it is a command 
which we have a right to lay upon them, and I know that in laying that com- 
mand upon them, they will do as Gen. Logan would do himself. He obeys the 
duty and obligation of party, the command of the party and the country; and, 
in fact, he never disobeyed but one order, and that was in order to fight a 
battle. 

Therefore, in behalf of the ex-soldiers of the Union, in behalf of the State 
of Kansas, by whom I am commissioned for this purpose, and in behalf, gen- 
erally, of the great body of the Republican party of the Union who admire and 
esteem this man, I present his name for your consideration, and hope that he 
may receive the nomination at your hands. 

Mr. L. C. Houck, of Tennessee. Thus far, while I have not received my 
first choice, this Convention has done well. Under the leadership, at the head 
of the ticket, of the Plumed Knight of Maine, we expect in November, all 
other conditions being equal, to march to glorious and final victory over the 
Democratic party in the United States. Now that the first part of our duties 
has been discharged; now that we have a candidate at the head of the ticket 
whom every genuine Republican in these United States, whether for or against 
him in this contest, can cheerfully and heartily support; now that we have 
started thus well, let us complete our work by adding as the candidate for Vice- 
President of the United States, one who, as we all know, may have to enter 
the Executive Mansion and discharge the duties of the first office of the Nation. 
I say, let us now see if we can not come to a common understanding and agree- 
ment, and unite upon one who will do equal honor in that position as the dis- 
tinguished leader who is at the head of our ticket. 

In looking through the halls of Congress, going back over the reminis- 
cences of the war, analyzing the character of the man, whether upon the field or 
in the halls of legislation, wherever he has been called to duty, John A. Logan 
has never been found wanting. And it has been well said by the gentleman 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 171 

who has preceded me, that, having nominated a civilian for the first time since 
the war, it is now all-important to give to the soldiers of the country, who 
fought the battles of the Union and preserved the liberties of the people, a 
representative upon that ticket. That being so, in whom can we find all the 
elements necessary to make up the statesmanship which is necessary to dis- 
charge the duties of this high office, but in Gen. John A. Logan? I can do it 
the more cheerfully — it is perfectly natural to me; it becomes a part of my 
nature and goes into my sympathies, into the very sympathies of my heart, to 
advocate his nomination — coming as I do (perhaps I will give you something 
that some of you never thought of) — coming as I do, as a representative from 
that part of the country where two Congressional Districts, the First and Sec- 
ond of Tennessee, gave more soldiers to fight under the flag than any two dis- 
tricts in the United States of America. That being so, representing these ele- 
ments, I know that when the Avires shall have transmitted the news of the 
nomination of John A. Logan for the Yice-Presidency of the United States to 
the soldier boys of East Tennessee, they will rejoice there, as they will rejoice 
everywhere the news is transmitted. It is an inviting theme; but I am admon- 
ished that under the rules I should desist, after a few more words. 

Now, gentlemen, let us join hands. The truth is, there ought not to be any 
other nomination than John A. Logan. John A. Logan ought to be nominated 
by acclamation. Our delegation, as you have seen, has been somewhat divided 
on everything else, but when you come to John A. Logan we are united, twenty- 
four strong. Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Convention, for the consid- 
erations which I have mentioned, I now place John A. Logan's destinies in 
your hands, with the full conviction that when the roll is called you will make 
him the candidate of the party, and in November victory will perch upon our 
banners. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. In seconding this magnificent nomination on 
behalf of a great veteran constituency, limited by the order of this Convention, 
I have only this to say : Let us write upon the banner of the Republican party 
for this glorious campaign this invincible legend : "Blaine and Logan, Peace 
and War." The great gratitude of the American people will crown these 
victors of them both with their grand and glorious approbation. 

Mr. J. W. Lee, of Pennsylvania. You have inaugurated here to-day a 
glorious victory for November, by nominating for President a native of Penn- 
sylvania, but whose fame was too great for his own State. It is of the whole 
country. You will complete the work which you have so well begun. The 
people believed, with a belief which amounted to conviction, that you would 
recognize their sovereign will in the nomination which you would here make, 
and 3 t ou have not disappointed them. 

Pennsylvania unites with the great Commonwealth of Kansas in seconding 
the nomination of a man for Vice-President who was fit to be President of the 
United States. I second, on behalf of the great Middle States of Pennsylvania 
and Ohio, the nomination of John A. Logan. 

Mr. Roswell G. Horr, of Michigan. Mr. President [Calls were made to 
Mr. Horr to take the stand; but he declined, and continued as follows]: 
I will be through before I can get to the stand. I simply rise, Mr. Presi- 



172 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

dent in behalf of the large army of us men who staid at home during the war, 
and at the request of the State of Michigan, to second the nomination of John 
A. Logan, of Illinois; and I only wish to say that in doing that we will light 
the camp-fires among the soldiers of the country from one end of this Nation 
to the other. 

Mr. John C. Dancy, of North Carolina. I am here the humble representa- 
tive of twelve hundred thousand colored voters in this country; and I believe, 
gentlemen of the Convention, that with the nomination already made of the 
Hon. James G. Blaine, of Maine, if to that you will add the name of John A. 
Logan, you will strengthen the confidence and courage of these twelve hundred 
thousand colored voters; and each and every one of them on the day of the 
election will be found at the polls casting their votes for those two candi- 
dates. 

Gentlemen, we know John A. Logan in the South; we have learned to love 
him and to honor him. He has stood by us under any and all circumstances. 
We will be certain to stand by him. Great in war, he has been likewise great 
in peace; and, keeping the even tenor of his way, he has won the confidence 
and respect, not only of the Republican party, but of the Democratic party as 
well ; and I believe that he can command as many votes in the South as 
any man who could be named; and as we have a State that was Democratic 
by only 300 two years ago, we know that with this ticket we can carry 
it by at least 5,000 majority in this election. And so speaking for North Caro- 
lina, I say for it, as I say also for some others of the Southern States, we are 
for John A. Logan, first, last, and all the time. 

Mr. P. H. Winston, Jr., of North Carolina. I move that we nominate 
Logan by acclamation. 

Mr. Arnold, of Georgia. As the representative of twenty-four as true and 
noble men as ever trod the American soil, and who stood by Chester A. Arthur 
until his flag went down, I rise in my place to second the nomination of John 
A. Logan. And while we, sir, in Georgia, are not able to give you an electoral 
vote, we pledge to you our aid, sympathy, active support, and all that there is 
within us. [Applause.] 

Mr. Dawes, of Missouri. Mr. President : I move you that the nomination 
of John A. Logan be made by acclamation. 

Mr. Church Howe, of Nebraska. I move that the rules be suspended, and 
that John A. Logan be declared the nominee of this Convention. 

The President put the question on the motion, and, on the vote 
being had, said : 

It requires two-thirds to suspend the rules ; and, the Chair being in doubt, 
the roll will be called. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. Are the nominations closed ? 
Mr. Carr, of Illinois. Mr. President : There have several gentlemen expressed 
a desire to speak, and so far every one that has spoken has spoken words that 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 173 

are grateful and precious to every Illinois heart, There are others who still 
desire to speak, and I hope that the roll will not be called. I hope that this 
action will be suspended until gentlemen from other States who desire to speak 
shall have had an opportunity to be heard from. 

Mr. W. O. Bradley, of Kentucky, had been standing on his chair 
attempting to get the attention of the President, and loud calls were 
made for him. 

Mr. Dawes, of Missouri. Mr. President: I feel assured that it is only a 
question of time that the nomination of John A. Logan will be made unanimous, 
and I withdraw my motion to make it hy acclamation. 

Mr. Howe. I withdraw my motion to suspend the rules also. 

Considerable confusion was caused by delegates in all parts of the 
hall attempting to gain the eye of the President. 

Mr. S. Lee, of South Carolina, was recognized by the President : 
but the calls for Bradley were renewed, and Mr. Lee was unable to 
proceed. 

A Delegate from Mississippi. I would suggest that the gentleman from 
Kentucky go ahead on the east side of the hall, and the gentleman from South 
Carolina on the west. 

Mr. Lee. I most cheerfully yield to the distinguished gentleman from 
Kentucky, provided I shall be accorded the privilege of speaking for the 
Republicans of my State when he shall have finished. 

Mr. Bradley, of Kentucky. Mr. President : I am warned by the condition 
of my voice not to undertake to speak against the tumult of this multitude. I 
simply arise as one of those fifteen faithful Kentuckians, who, through sun- 
shine and through storm, followed the fate of our gallant leader, Chester A. 
Arthur, to second the nomination of the great volunteer soldier of Illinois. 

A statesman wise in council, a soldier upon whose sword there is no stain of 
dishonor, a friend of the oppressed — no more gallant knight ever drew lance 
upon the bloody fields of Palestine or fell beneath the gleaming scimiter of 
Saladin. I arise for the purpose of seconding the nomination of General Logan, 
in behalf of the hundred thousand — yes, the hundred thousand — brave soldiers 
who have marched under the flag and kept step to the music of the Union from 
the State of Kentucky. 

You have given us a great statesman from Maine; and I for one bow my 
humble acquiescence, and am willing, with all the Republicans of this Union, 
to follow wherever his white plume shines. With Blaine as our candidate 
for President, with Logan as our candidate for Vice-President, we shall sweep 
the country, and wipe from the political map the name of Democracy, so that 
the places that know it now, shall know it no more forever. 

I would like to say more upon this fruitful theme, but the condition of my 
voice, as well as the state of your patience, reminds me that I have said enough. 
And now, in conclusion, fellow-citizens of the whole Republic, who are assembled 



174 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

here, and delegates in this Convention, down in the State of Kentucky, where 
the black cloud of Democracy still bends above us, let me say to you that, while 
we can not give you our electoral votes, we will in November poll for Blaine 
and Logan the votes of 120,000 brave men and true. I have said enough, 
and I thank you again and again for your kindness in asking me to second 
this nomination. 

Mr. Lee, of South Carolina. I come from a State that gave the United 
States Government the first colored soldier that the United States Government 
ever enlisted in its army. In 1862, in the town of Beaufort, South Carolina, 
Col. Higginson, of Massachusetts, organized the first colored troops. I am 
here to-night, and I am glad that it is my privilege, upon this occasion, to say 
to the American people assembled here in a Republican National Convention, 
that those people in South Carolina never can forget the memorable march, 
through that State, of Sherman's army. In that army was the gallant and 
brave John A. Logan. They know him, and they love him, and their anxious 
hearts have been waiting, hoping to hear from this Convention, that if their 
first choice, Chester A. Arthur, should not be made the nominee of this Con- 
vention, their hearts would be gladdened by the news being wired to them 
that John A. Logan was the fortunate choice of this Convention. And, Mr. 
President 

Mr. Pettibone, of Tennessee. Mr. President : In the name of three-quarters 
of a million of the old soldiers of the Republic, who did not stay at home, 
but went to the front, and in the name of 30,000 ex-Confederate soldiers of 
Tennessee, we all of us rejoice in the name of Black Jack Logan. 

Mr. Lee, of South Carolina [who had been interrupted by Mr. Pettibone]. 
Tennessee is so nearly allied to us that she feels at liberty to take any privilege 
she sees a chance to take with us. We accord it freely to her. Mr. Presi- 
dent, I shall not move to strike out the gentleman's remarks, for he and I, 
away from the close relations that our States bear to each other, are 
closely allied as individuals, until I am always proud to be connected with 
him in any way. 

And I wish to say also, briefly, that South Carolina gave the first volunteer 
to the United States navy, in the person of the hero, Robert Smalls, who carried 
the Planter out of the harbor of Charleston, and brought her over and deliv- 
ered her up to the Federal navy. The people in South Carolina will go to the 
polls if John A. Logan is upon the ticket with the brilliant genius, James G. 
Blaine, and will go there at any risk, as they have done before ; and no name 
connected with James G. Blaine will create such enthusiasm in South Carolina 
as the name of John A. Logan. 

Mr. Frank Morey, of Louisiana. At the request of the solid delegation 
of more than one Southern State besides the State of Louisiana, I rise to sec- 
ond the nomination of Gen. John A. Logan. Mr. President, in 1861, when I 
left my prairie home in Illinois to assist in fighting the battles of the Union, it 
was my good fortune to.be under the command of Gen. John A. Logan in our 
march from the Ohio river on our way to the gulf. At the conclusion of the 
war and after peace had settled upon the country, and when a fighting constit- 
uency had sent me from my new home in Louisiana to the halls of Congress, 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 175 

my first committee work was done on the Committee of Military Affairs, of 
which Gen. John A. Logan was the Chairman. 

Mr. President, I know him well, and I love him with my whole heart. I 
have watched his career as a statesman, and on all public questions he has been 
almost invariably right; and upon all questions touching the protection of the 
lives and the liberties, particularly the political and civil rights of Republicans, 
both white and black, in the South, he has been always right. 

And, sir, the Republicans of the South will feel, in the election of Gen. 
John A. Logan as Vice-President, that they will always have a true friend and 
a tried counselor, having the confidence of the chief Executive of the Nation. 
It will give renewed courage to the saddened hearts of Southern Republicans 
now fighting the unequal battle of Republicanism in the South. Gen. Logan 
is the grand development of the brave, generous and courageous sentiment of 
the Mississippi valley. He combines, by his glorious manhood, the bravery of 
the true and gallant soldier and the ability of the eminent statesman. Every 
element of his character is that of a true American; and his nomination as 
Vice-President, with James G . Blaine, will electrify the patriotic sentiment of 
the loyal people of this country, and will be the cap-stone to the magnificent 
work begun and achieved by this Convention. 

Mr. Hill, of Mississippi. I suggest that we proceed to nominate Gen. 
Logan by acclamation, and let us go to bed, and have the other speeches 
printed, and we can read them in the morning. 

Mr. Blair, of Virginia. By request of Gen. Mahone, the Chairman of the 
Virginia delegation itself, and inasmuch as Senator Mahone is not able to be 
here to-night, by reason of physical disability, I am here to represent in this 
Convention, not those Union soldiers that followed Gen. John A. Logan in the 
last contest, but I am here as a member of the Republican Virginia delegation, 
that represents in Virginia 30,000 ex-Confederate soldiers, that have come to the 
rescue of the Republic. I was a Confederate soldier myself for four years, as 
were many of the delegation with whom I am now associated; and I serve no- 
tice upon these Northern Republicans that they must look well to their laurels, 
because in old Virginia we have erected the standard of Republicanism, and in 
the vocabulary of Virginia liberalism "there's no such word as fail." And 
that, with the handful of ex-Confederate soldiers and Virginians who have 
raised the revolt against Democratic outrage, we have grown with their growth 
and strengthened with their strength, until to-day we have 127,000 that will 
vote for James G. Blaine and John A. Logan as President and Vice-President 
of the United States. I, therefore, in behalf of the Virginia delegation, rise to 
second the nomination of John A. Logan, and move that the nomination be 
made unanimous. 

Mr. Packard, of New York. I rise to move, as a substitute, that the roll 
be called, and each State name its choice in the regular order of business. 

Mr. Howe, of Nebraska. I now renew my motion that the rules be sus- 
pended, and Gen. John A. Logan be declared the nominee of this Convention 
for Vice-President. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Gen. J. S. Robinson, of Ohio. Mr. President: In behalf of the Repub- 



176 • OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

licans of Ohio, I desire to second this nomination. I followed Gen. Logan on 
many a hard-fought field, and he never in any instance failed to respond to the 
sound of the enemy's musketry. I therefore move to suspend the rules, and 
nominate Gen. Logan by acclamation. [Great confusion, many delegates ask- 
ing for the floor. Cries of " Second the nomination."] 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that the rules be 
suspended. 

Mr. Robinson. Mr. President : I insist upon my motion, which has been 
seconded by several delegations, to suspend the rules, and nominate Gen. Logan 
by acclamation. 

The President. Well, if you will be still. I am putting your motion. 

Mr. Robinson. That we nominate Gen. Logan by acclamation. 

The President. It is moved that the rules be suspended, and that Gen. 
Logan be nominated by acclamation. 

The motion was carried almost unanimously. 

Mr. Lampson, of Ohio. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
The Nineteenth District of Ohio, the banner district of the Union, which was 
so long and so ably represented in the National Congress by that grand states- 
man and civilian whom the last Republican National Convention delighted to 
honor with the highest position in the gift of the Republican party, promises 
20,000 Republican majority for the bosom friend of our martyred Garfield, 
James G. Blaine, of Maine, and the grand old soldier, John A. Logan, of 
Illinois. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. I have a resolution which I desire to offer. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. Following the usual order of National Conven- 
tions, I move you that a committee be appointed to advise the nominees of this 
Convention of its action. 

Mr. Roots, of Arkansas. I second the motion. 

Mr. McKinley. Of which the President of this Convention shall be 
Chairman. 

The motion was adopted. 

The Secretary. I desire to announce that the National Committee 
will meet on the stage immediately after the adjournment of the Convention 
to-night. 

Mr. Davis, of Illinois. Mr. President: on behalf of the State of Illinois I 
insist that the roll shall be called at the request of our delegates, on the nomi- 
nation of Vice-President. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary then proceedea to call the roll. 

When the State of Massachusetts was reached, Mr. Crapo an- 
nounced the votes as nine for Logan, and three for Fairchild, of 

Wisconsin. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



177 



After the next State had been called, 

Mr. Crapo arose and said: I desire to announce again the vote of 
Massachusetts. I desire to have Massachusetts called again. We vote twelve 
for Logan, being the entire vote that is present. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said: I desire that New York be allowed a little time to com- 
plete her tally. New York is not quite ready to report her vote. I ask a little 
time be given her to complete the count. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. Mr. President: I ask that the rule may be 
suspended so that the other States may be called, and New York called after- 
ward. I ask unanimous consent. 

The President. It will be so ordered without objection. 

When the District of Columbia was reached, 

Mr. Conger said : Mr. President : I have asked my colleague to name his 
vote, and he has refused to do so. I cast my vote for John A. Logan. 

Mr. Carson. Mr. President: This is the first time the gentleman has agreed 
with me. I cast my vote for John A. Logan. 

At the end of the roll call, New York was again called upon, and 
announced her vote. 

THE BALLOT FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 

Whole number of delegates ._ 820 

Necessary to a choice 411 

Whole number of votes cast. _ _ 780 

John A. Logan _ _. 773 

W. Q. Gresham 6 

J. B. Foraker _. 1 

The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 



States and Territories. 


No. OF 
Votes. 


Logan. 


Gresham. 


Foraker. 


Alabama 


20 

14 

16 

6 

12 

6 

8 

24 

44 

30 

26 

18 

26 


20 
14 
16 
6 
5 
6 
8 

24 
44 
30 
26 
18 
26 






Arkansas 






California 






Colorado 




Connecticut . 






Delaware . - _ - - 







Florida 




Georgia 






Illinois 






Indiana 






Iowa .. - 






Kansas 






Kentucky- ._ - 

12 













178 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



States and Territories. 


No. op 
Votes. 


Logan. 


Gresham. 


FORAKER. 


Louisiana 


16 
12 
16 
28 
26 
14 
18 
32 
10 

6 

8 
18 
72 
22 
46 

6 
60 

8 

18 
24 
26 

8 

24 
12 
22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 ' 

2 


16 
12 
16 
12 
26 
14 
18 
30 
10 
6 
8 

18 
60 
22 
46 
6 

59 

8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

19 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 






Maine . 






Maryland 






Massachusetts 






Michigan 






Minnesota 






Mississippi _ 






Missouri _ _ 




Nebraska _ 







Nevada _ 

New Hampshire 





New Jersey 






New York 


6 


1 


North Carolina 




Ohio 






Oregon _ 












Rhode Island 











Tennessee 










Vermont _ 






Virginia 






West Virginia 












Arizona __ 












District of Columbia.. . 






Idaho _ 






Montana 








Ut ah 




Wyoming 










Totals -. 


820 


773 


6 


J 







The President. The question now 
unanimous ? 



is, Shall the nomination be made 



The motion was carried unanimously. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. Mr. President : I offer the following resolution: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be and they are hereby 
tendered to the late National Republican Committee for the excellent provision 
made for the Convention; to the citizens of Chicago for the cordial hospitality 
extended to our members; to the Hon. John B. Henderson, President, for his 
uniform and unfailing courtesy and efficiency in presiding over our deliberations; 
and to the attendants on the Convention for their fidelity to their respective 
trusts. 



The resolution was adopted. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 179 

The President. The Chair announces to the Convention that it will select 
the members of the committee to announce the nominations to the respective 
gentlemen nominated to-night, and will publish the names to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Hamilton, of Illinois. Mr. President: I have offered a resolution 
which I have sent to the desk. 

The President. There is no resolution here. 

Mr. Hamilton. I will then state it verbally. I move that the thanks of 
this Convention be tendered to the Sergeant-at-arms, Colonel Sexton, and the 
members of the Union Yeteran Club of Chicago, for their valuable assistance 
during this Convention. 

The motion was carried. 

Mr. Taylor, of Illinois. I desire to ask for information. Has the resolution 
been passed appointing a committee to notify the candidates of their nomination? 

The President. It has been done. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. Mr. President : I ask that my resolution in the 
hands of the Secretary be read. 

Amid the great confusion prevailing, a motion to adjourn sine die 
was made and carried, and the Convention, at 9:45 p. m., June 6th, 
was declared adjourned sine die. 



COMMITTEE OF NOTIFICATION. 

The President of the Convention, in conformity with the resolution 
adopted at the last session of the Convention, appointed the following- 
named gentlemen as the committee charged with the duty of notify- 
ing Mr. Blaine and Gen. Logan of their respective nominations : 

John B. Henderson, Missouri, Chairman. 

Alabama George Turner. 

Arkansas Logan H. Roots. 

California . ... Charles F. Crocker. 

Colorado. S. H. Elbert. 

Connecticut Samuel Fessenden. 

Delaware Washington Hastings. 

Florida W. G. Stewart. 

Georgia CD. Forsyth. 

Illinois George R. Davis . 

Indiana _ John H. Baker. 

Iowa N. M. Hubbard. 



180 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Kansas _ _ Henry E. Insley. 

Kentucky W. C. Goodloe. 

Louisiana _ W. B. Merchant. 

Maine J. Manchester Haynes. 

Maryland _ J. McPherson Scott. 

Massachusetts Jesse M. Gove. 

Michigan Julius C. Burrows. 

Minnesota __ Cushman K. Davis. 

Mississippi John R. Lynch. 

Missouri _ Chauncey I. Filley. 

Nebraska Church Howe. 

Nevada _M. D. Foley. 

New Hampshire.... _ Edward H. Rollins. 

New Jersey _ "William Walter Phelps. 

New York _ Andrew D White. 

North Carolina Patrick H. Winston, Jr. 

Ohio John B. Foraker. 

Oregon O. N. Denny. 

Pennsylvania _ Galusha A. Grow. 

Rhode Island Daniel G. Littlefield. 

South Carolina _ Samuel Lee. 

Tennessee J. C. Napier. 

Texas N. W. Cuney. 

Vermont _ Frederick Billings. 

Virginia Samuel M. Yost. 

West Virginia J ... Arnold C. Sherr. 

Wisconsin E. W. Keyes. 

Arizona A. H. Stebbins. 

Dakota _ J. L. Jolly. 

District of Columbia P. H. Carson. 

Idaho W. N. Shilling. 

Montana Lee Mantle. 

New Mexico 1 W. H. H. Llewellyn. 

Utah Nathan Kimball. 

Washington George D. Hill. 

Wyoming J. W. Meldrum. 

Chas. W. Clisbee, Michigan, Secretai'y. 

THE NOTIFICATION TO MB. BLAINE. 

The committee appointed by the National Republican Conven- 
tion, to notify Hon. James G. Blaine of the action of the Conven- 
tion, performed that duty on Saturday, June 21st, 1884, at Augusta, 
Maine, the shady lawn in front of the Blaine homestead being chosen 
as the scene of the ceremonial. When all the preliminaries had been 
arranged, General Henderson, of Missouri, stepped forward and 
presented the address of the committee, as follows ' 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 181 

Mr. Blaine: Your nomination for the office of President of the United 
States, by the National Republican Convention recently assembled in Chicago, 
is already known to you. The gentlemen before you, constituting a committee 
composed of one member from each State and Territory of the country, and 
one from the District of Columbia, now come as the accredited organ of that 
Convention, to give you formal notice of the nomination and to request your 
acceptance thereof. 

It is, of course, known - to you, that besides your own, several names, among 
the most honored in the councils of the Republican party, were presented by 
their friends as candidates for this office. Between your friends and the friends 
of gentlemen so justly entitled to the respect and confidence of their political 
associates, the contest was one of generous rivalry, free from any taint of bit- 
terness, and equally free from the reproach of injustice. At an early stage of 
the proceedings of the Convention, it became manifest that the Republican 
States, whose aid must be invoked at last to insure success to the ticket, ear- 
nestly desired your nomination. It was equally manifest that this desire, so 
earnestly expressed by the delegates from these States, was but the truthful 
reflection of an irresistible popular demand. It was not thought, nor pre- 
tended, that this demand had its origin in any ambitious desires of your own, 
or in the organized work of your friends, but it was recognized to be what it 
truthfully is — the spontaneous expression by a free people of their love and 
admiration of a chosen leader. 

No nomination would have given satisfaction to all the members of the party. 
This was not to be expected in a country so extended in area and so varied in 
interests. The nomination of Mr. Lincoln, in 1860, disappointed so many fond 
hopes and overthrew so many cherished ambitions, that for a short time the 
disaffection threatened to ripen into open revolt. In 1872, the discontent was 
so pronounced as to impel large masses of the party into organized opposition 
to its nominees. For many weeks after the nomination of Gen. Garfield, in 
1880, defeat seemed almost inevitable. Fortunately, in each case the shock of 
disappointment was followed by the sober second thought. Individual prefer- 
ences gradually yielded to convictions of public duty. The promptings of 
patriotism finally rose superior to the irritations and animosities of the hour. 
Indeed, the party in every trial has grown stronger in the face of threatened 
danger. 

In tendering you this nomination, it gives us pleasure to remember that 
those great measures which furnished causes for party congratulation by the 
late Convention at Chicago, and which are now crystallized into the legislation 
of the country — measures which have strengthened and dignified the Nation, 
while they have elevated and advanced the people — have, at all times and on 
all proper occasions, received your earnest and valuable support. It was your 
good fortune to aid in protecting the Nation against the assaults of armed 
treason ; you were present and helped to unloose the shackles of the slave; 
you assisted in placing the new guarantees of freedom in the Federal Consti- 
tution; your voice was potent in preserving the National faith; when false the- 
ories of finance would have blasted National and individual prosperity, we 
kindly remember you as the fast friend of honest money and commercial integ- 



182 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

rity. In all that pertains to the security and repose of capital, the dignity of 
labor, the manhood, elevation and freedom of the people, the right of the 
oppressed to demand, and the duty of the government to afford, protection, 
your public acts have received the unqualified indorsement of popular approval. 

But we are not unmindful of the fact that parties, like individuals, can 
not live entirely on the past, however splendid the record. The present is 
ever charged with its immediate cares, and the future presses on with its new 
duties and its perplexing responsibilities. Parties, like individuals, however, 
that are free from the stain of violated faith in the past, are fairly entitled to 
presumptions of sincerity in their promises for the future. 

Among the promises made by the party in its late Convention at Chicago, 
are: Purity and economy of administration ; protection of the citizen, native 
and naturalized, at home and abroad; the prompt restoration of our navy; a 
wise reduction of the surplus revenues, relieving the tax-payer without in- 
juring the laborer; the preservation of the public lands for actual settlers; 
import duties, when necessary at all, to be levied not for revenue only, but 
for the double purpose of revenue and protection; regulation of internal com- 
merce by the National Congress; settlement of international differences by 
peaceful arbitration, but coupled with the reassertion and maintenance of the 
Monroe doctrine as interpreted by the fathers of the Republic; perseverance 
in the go ;d work of civil service reform, "to the end that the dangers to free 
institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and 
effectively avoided : " honest currency based on coin of intrinsic value, 
adding strength to the public credit, and giving renewed vitality to every 
branch of American industry. 

Mr. Blaine: During the last twenty-three years the Republican part}'- has 
builded a new Republic — a Republic far more splendid than that originally de- 
signed by our fathers. Its proportions, already grand, may yet be enlarged; 
its foundations may yet be strengthened, and its columns adorned with a 
beauty more resplendent still. To you, as its architect-in-chief, will soon be 
assigned this grateful work. 

To which Mr. Blaine replied as follows : 

"Mii. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the National Committee: I 
receive, not without deep sensibility, your official notice of the action of the 
National Convention, already brought to my knowledge through the public 
press. I appreciate, more profoundly than I can express, the honor which is 
implied in the nomination for the Presidency by the Republican party of the 
Nation, speaking through the authoritative voice of its duly accredited dele- 
gates. To be selected as a candidate by such an assemblage, from the list of 
eminent statesmen whose names were presented, fills me with embarrassment. 
I can only express my gratitude for so signal an honor, and my desire to prove 
worthy of the great trust reposed in me. 

" In accepting the nomination, as I now do, I am impressed, I might almost 
say oppressed, with a sense of the labor and responsibility which attach to 
my position. The burden is lightened, however, by the host of earnest men 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 183 

•who support my candidacy, many of whom add, as does your honorable com- 
mittee, the cheer of personal friendship to the pledge of political fealty. A 
more formal acceptance will naturally be expected, and will in due season be 
communicated. It may, however, not be inappropriate at this time to say that 
I have already made a careful study of the principles announced by the Na- 
tional Convention, and in whole and in detail they have my heartiest sympa- 
thy and meet my unqualified approval. 

" Apart from your official errand, gentlemen, I am extremely happy to "wel- 
come you all to my home. With many of you I have already shared the duties 
of the public service, and have enjoyed the most cordial friendship. I trust 
your journey from all parts of the great Republic has been agreeable, and that 
during your stay in Maine you will feel that you are not among strangers, but 
among friends. Invoking the blessing of God upon the great cause which we 
jointly represent, let us turn to the future without fear, and with manly hearts." 

At the conclusion of Mr. Blaine's reply, the members of the committee 
were introduced to him individually, and an hour was spent in social and 
informal converse. The members of the committee were then entertained at 
lunch. At 1 o'clock they left for Portland. 

THE NOTIFICATION TO JOHN A. LOGAN. 

Washington, June 24, 1884. 
Chairman J. B. Henderson, and the members of the committee 
charged by the Republican National Convention with the duty of 
formally informing the candidates for President and Vice-President 
of their nomination, met at Washington, D. C, June 24th, 1884, to 
present the formal address to General Logan. General Henderson 
then addressed General Logan as follows : 

Senator Logan : The gentlemen present constitute a committee of the Re- 
publican Convention recently assembled at Chicago, charged with the duty of 
communicating to you the formal notice of your nomination by that Conven- 
tion as a candidate for Vice-President of the United States. You are not una- 
ware of the fact that your name was presented to the Convention and urged by 
a large number of the delegates as a candidate for President. So soon, how- 
ever, as it became apparent that Mr. Blaine, your colleague on the ticket, was 
the choice of the party for that high office, your friends, with those of other 
competitors, promptly yielded their preferences to this manifest wish of the 
majority. 

In tendering you this nomination, we are able to assure you it was made 
without opposition, and with an enthusiasm seldom witnessed in the history of 
nominating conventions. We are gratified to know, that in a career of great 
usefulness and distinction you have most efficiently aided in the enactment of 
those measures of legislation and of constitutional reform in which the Con- 
vention found special cause for party congratulation. The principles enunci- 
ated in the platform adopted will be recognized by you as the same which have 



184 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

so long governed and controlled your political conduct. The pledges made by 
the party find guarantee of performance in the fidelity with which you have 
heretofore discharged every trust confided to your keeping. 

In your election, the people of this country will furnish new proof of the 
excellence of our institutions. Without wealth, without help from others, 
without any resources except those of heart, conscience, intellect, energy, and 
courage, you have won a high place in the world's history, and secured the con- 
fidence and affections of your countrymen. Being one of the people, your 
sympathies are with the people. In civil life your chief care has been to bet- 
ter their condition, to secure their rights, and perpetuate their liberties. When 
the Government was threatened by armed treason, you entered its service as a 
private, became a commander of armies, and are now the idol of the citizen 
soldiers of the Republic. Such, in the judgment of your party, is the candi- 
date it has selected, and, in behalf of that party, we ask you to accept its nom- 
ination. 

To which Gen. Logan replied : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee : I receive your visit with 
pleasure, and accept with gratitude the sentiments you have so generously ex- 
pressed in discharge of the duty with which you have been intrusted by the 
National Republican Convention. Intending to address you a formal com- 
munication shortly, in accordance with recognized usage, it would be out of 
place to detain you at this time with remarks which properly belong to the official 
utterances of a letter of acceptance. I may be permitted to say, however, that, 
though I did not seek the nomination of Vice-President, I accept it as 
a trust reposed in me by the Republican party, to the advancement of 
whose broad policy upon all questions connected with the progress of 
our Government and of our people I have dedicated my best energies, and 
with this acceptance I may properly signify my approval of the platform 
of principles adopted by the Convention. I am deeply sensible of the 
honor conferred upon me by my friends in so unanimously tendering this nom- 
ination, and I sincerely thank them for this tribute. I am not unmindful of 
the great responsibility attaching to the office, and if elected I shall enter upon 
the performance of its duties with the firm conviction that he who has such 
unanimous support of his party friends, as the circumstances connected with 
the nomination and your own words, Mr. Chairman, indicate, and conse- 
quently such wealth of counsel to draw upon, can not fail in a proper discharge 
of the duties committed to him. I tender to you my thanks, Mr. Chairman, 
for the kind expressions you have made, and I offer you and your fellow-com- 
mitteemen my most cordial greetings. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 185 



MR. BLAINE'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Augusta, Me., July 15, 1884. 
The Hon. John B. Henderson and otliers of the Committee, etc., etc. 

Gentlemen: In accepting the nomination for the Presidency tendered me 
by the Republican National Convention, I beg to express a deep sense of the 
honor which is conferred and of the duty which is imposed. I venture to 
accompany the acceptance with some observations upon the questions in- 
volved in the contest — questions whose settlement may affect the future of the 
Nation favorably or unfavorably for a long series of years. 

In enumerating the issues upon which the Republican party appeals for 
popular support the Convention has been singularly explicit and felicitous. It 
has properly given the leading position to the industrial interests of the country 
as affected by the tariff on imports. On that question the two political parties 
are radically in conflict. Almost the first act of the Republicans, when they 
came into power in 1861, was the establishment of the principle of protection 
to American labor and to American capital. This principle the Republican 
party has ever since steadily maintained, while on the other hand the Demo- 
cratic party in Congress has for fifty years persistently warred upon it. Twice 
within that period our opponents have destroyed tariffs arranged for protection, 
and since the close of the Civil War, whenever they have controlled the House 
of Representatives, hostile legislation has been attempted — never more conspic- 
uously than in their principal measure at the late session of Congress. 

Revenue laws are in their very nature subject to frequent revision in order 
that they may be adapted to changes and modifications of trade. The Repub- 
lican party is not contending for the permanency of any particular statute. 
The issue between the two parties does not have reference to a specific law. It 
is far broader and far deeper. It involves a principle of wide application and 
beneficent influence, against a theory which we believe to be unsound in con- 
ception and inevitably hurtful in practice. In the many tariff revisions which 
have been necessary for the past twenty-three years, or which may hereafter 
become necessary, the Republican party has maintained and will maintain 
the policy of protection to American industry, while our opponents insist upon 
a revision which practically destroys that policy. The issue is thus distinct, 
well denned, and unavoidable. The pending election may determine the fate 
of protection for a generation. The overthrow of the policy means a large and 
permanent reduction in the wages of the American laborer, besides involving 
the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested in manufacturing enter- 
prises. The value of the present revenue system to the people of the United 
States is not a matter of theory, and I shall submit no argument to sustain it. 
I only invite attention to certain facts of official record which seem to con- 
stitute a demonstration. 

In the census of 1850 an effort was made for the first time in our history 
to obtain a valuation of all the property in the United States. The attempt 
was in large degree unsuccessful. Partly from lack of time, partly from 
prejudice among many who thought the inquiries foreshadowed a new scheme 



186 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

of taxation, the returns were incomplete and unsatisfactory. Little more was 
done than to consolidate the local valuation used in the States for purposes 
of assessment, and that, as every one knows, differs widely from a complete 
exhibit of all the property. 

In the census of 1860, however, the work was done with great thorough- 
ness — the distinction between "assessed" value and "true" value being care- 
fully observed. The grand result was that the " true value " of all the property 
in the States and Territories (excluding slaves) amounted to fourteen thousand 
millions of dollars ($14,000,000,000). This aggregate was the net result of the 
labor and the savings of all the people within the area of the United States from 
the time the first British colonist landed in 1607 down to the year 1860. It rep- 
resented the fruit of the toil of 250 years. 

After 1860 the business of the country was encouraged and developed by a 
protective tariff. At the end of twenty years the total property of the United 
States, as returned by the census of 1880, amounted to the enormous aggregate 
of forty-four thousand millions of dollars ($44,000,000,000). This great result 
was attained, notwithstanding the fact that countless millions had in the inter- 
val been wasted in the progress of a bloody war. It thus appears, that while 
our population between 1860 and 1880 increased 60 per cent, , the aggregate 
property of the country increased 214 per cent. , showing a vastly enhanced 
wealth per capita among the people. Thirty thousand millions of dollars 
($30,000,000,000) had been added during these twenty years to the permanent 
wealth of the Nation. 

These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phenomenal. 
That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a gigantic war, and 
for an entire period of twenty years make an average gain to its wealth of 
$125,000,000 per month, surpasses the experience of all other nations, ancient 
or modern. Even the opponents of the present revenue system do not pretend 
that in the whole history of civilization any parallel can be found to the mate- 
rial progress of the United States since the accession of the Republican party 
to power. 

The period between 1860 and to-day has not been one of material prosperity 
only. At no time in the history of the United States has there been such prog- 
ress in the moral and philanthropic field. Religious and charitable institutions, 
schools, seminaries, and colleges, have been founded and endowed far more 
generously than at any previous time in our history. Greater and more varied 
relief has been extended to human suffering, and the entire progress of the 
country in wealth has been accompanied and dignified- by a broadening and 
elevation of our National character as a people. 

Our opponents find fault that our revenue system produces a surplus. But 
they should not forget that the law has given a specific purpose to which all of 
the surplus is profitably and honorably applied — the reduction of the public 
debt and the consequent relief of the burden of taxation. No dollar has been 
wasted, and the only extravagance with which the party stands charged, is the 
generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors, and their families — an extravagance 
which embodies the highest form of justice in the recognition and payment of a 
sacred debt. When reduction of taxation is to be made, the Republican party 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 187 

can be trusted to accomplish it in such form as will most effectively aid the 
industries of the Nation. 

A frequent accusation by our opponents is that the foreign commerce of 
the country has steadily decayed under the influence Of the protective tariff. In 
this way they seek to array the importing interests against the Republican party. 
It is a common and yet radical error to confound the commerce of the country 
with its carrying trade — an error often committed innocently and sometimes 
designedly — but an error so gross that it does not distinguish between the ship 
and the cargo. Foreign commerce represents the exports and imports of a 
country, regardless of the nationality of the vessel that may carry the commod- 
ities of exchange. Our carrying trade has from obvious causes suffered many 
discouragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same period 
steadily and prodigiously increased — increased, indeed, at a rate and to an amount 
which absolutely dwarf all previous developments of our trade beyond the sea. 
From 1860 to the present time the foreign commerce of the United States 
(divided with approximate equality between exports and imports) reached the 
astounding aggregate of twenty-four thousand millions of dollars ($24,000,000,- 
000). The balance in this vast commerce inclined in our favor, but it would 
have been much larger if our trade with the countries of America — elsewhere 
referred to — had been more wisely adjusted. 

It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since 1860, 
and we can gain a correct conception of it only by comparison with preceding 
results in the same field. The total exports from the United States from the 
Declaration of Independence in 1776 down to the day of Lincoln's election in 
1860, added to all that had previously been exported from the American Colo- 
nies from their original settlement, amounted to less than nine thousand millions 
of dollars ($9,000,000,000). On the other hand, our exports from 1860 to the 
close of the last fiscal year exceeded twelve thousand millions of dollars 
$12,000,000,000— the whole of it being the product of American labor. Evi- 
dently a protective tariff has not injured our export trade, when, under its 
influence, we exported in twenty-four years 40 per cent, more than the total 
amount that had been exported in the entire previous history of American 
commerce. All the details, when analyzed, correspond with this gigantic 
result. The commercial ,cities of the Union never had such growth as they 
have enjoyed since 1860. Our chief emporium, the City of New York, with 
its dependencies, has within that period doubled her population and increased 
her wealth fivefold. During the same period the imports and exports which 
have entered and left her harbor are more than double in bulk and value the 
whole amount imported and exported by her between the settlement of the 
first Dutch colony on the Island of Manhattan and the outbreak of the Civil 
War in 1860. 

The agricultural interest is by far the largest in the Nation, and is entitled 
in every adjustment of revenue laws to the first consideration. Any policy 
hostile to the fullest development of agriculture in the United States must be 
abandoned. Realizing this fact, the opponents of the present system of revenue 
have labored very earnestly to persuade the farmers of the United States that 
they are robbed by a protective tariff, and the effort is thus made to consolidate 



188 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

their vast influence in favor of free trade. But, happily, the farmers of Amer- 
ica are intelligent, and can not he misled by sophistry when conclusive facts are 
before them. They see plainly that, during the past twenty-four years, wealth 
has not been acquired in one section or by one interest at the expense of 
another section or another interest. They see that the agricultural States have 
made even more rapid progress than the manufacturing States. 

The farmers see that in 1860 Massachusetts and Illinois had about the same 
wealth— between $800,000,000 and $900,000,000 each— and that in 1880 Massa- 
chusetts had advanced to $2,600,000,000, while Illinois had advanced to 
$3,200,000,000. They see that New Jersey and Iowa were just equal in popu- 
lation in 1860, and that in twenty years the wealth of New Jersey was increased 
by the sum of $850,000,000, while the wealth of Iowa was increased by the sum 
of $1,500,000,000. They see that the nine leading agricultural States of the 
West had grown so rapidly in prosperity that the aggregate addition to their 
wealth since 1860 is almost as great as the wealth of the entire country in that 
year. They see that the South, which is almost exclusively agricultural, has 
shared in the general prosperity, and that, having recovered from the loss and 
devastation of war, it has gained so rapidly that its total wealth is at least the 
double of that which it possessed in 1860, exclusive of slaves. 

In these extraordinary developments the farmers see the helpful impulse of 
a home market, and they see that the financial and revenue system, enacted 
since the Eepublican party came into power, has established and constantly 
expanded the home market. They see that even in the case of wheat, which 
is our chief cereal export, they have sold, in the average of the years since the 
close of the war, three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad, and that 
in the case of corn, the only other cereal which we export to any extent, 100 
bushels have been used at home to three and a half bushels exported. In some 
years the disparity has been so great that for every peck of corn exported 100 
bushels have been consumed in the home market. The farmers see that, in 
the increasing competition from the grain-fields of Eussia and from the distant 
plains of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily of greater con- 
cern to them, and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre 
of tillable land in the Union. 

Such facts as these, touching the growth and consumption of cereals at 
home, give us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal commerce 
of the United States. They suggest also, that, in addition to the advantages 
which the American people enjoy from protection against foreign competition, 
they enjoy the advantages of absolute free trade over a larger area and with a 
greater population than any other nation. The internal commerce of our thirty- 
eight States and nine Territories is carried on without let or hindrance, without 
tax, detention, or governmental interference of any kind whatever. It spreads 
freely over an area of three and a half million square miles — almost equal in 
extent to the whole continent of Europe. Its profits are enjoyed to-day by 
56,000,000 of American freemen, and from this enjoyment no monopoly is cre- 
ated. According to Alexander Hamilton, when he discussed the same subject 
in 1790, " the internal competition which takes place does away with everything 
like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the prices of articles to the minimum of 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 1S9 

a reasonable profit on the capital employed. " It is impossible to point to a sin- 
gle monopoly in the United States that has been created or fostered by the 
industrial system which is upheld by the Republican party. 

Compared with our foreign commerce, these domestic exchanges are incon- 
ceivably great in amount — requiring merely as one instrumentality as large a 
mileage of railway as exists to-day in all the other nations of the world com- 
bined. These internal exchanges are estimated by the Statistical Bureau of 
the Treasury Department to be annually twenty times as great in amount as 
our foreign commerce. It is into this vast field of home trade — at once the cre- 
ation and the heritage of the American people — that foreign nations are striving 
by every device to enter. It is into this field that the opponents of our present 
revenue system would freely admit the countries of Europe — countries into 
whose internal trade we could not reciprocally enter; countries to which we 
should be surrendering every advantage of trade; from which we should be 
gaining nothing in return. 

A policy of this kind would be disastrous to the mechanics and workingmen 
of the United States. "Wages are unjustly reduced when an industrious man is 
not able by his earnings to live in comfort, educate his children, and lay by a 
sufficient amount for the necessities of age. The reduction of wages inevita- 
bly consequent upon throwing our home market open to the world would 
deprive them of the power to do this. It would prove a great calamity to our 
country. It would produce a conflict between the poor and the rich, and in the 
sorrowful degradation of labor would plant the seeds of public danger. 

The Republican party has steadily aimed to maintain just relations between 
labor and capital, guarding with care the rights, of each. A conflict between 
the two has always led in the past and will always lead in the future to the 
injury of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation and profitable use of 
capital, and capital increases the efficiency and value of labor. Whoever arrays 
the one against the other is an enemy of both. That policy is wisest and best 
which harmonizes the two on the basis of absolute justice. The Republican 
party has protected the free labor of America so that its compensation is larger 
than is realized in any other country. It has guarded our people against the 
unfair competition of contract labor from China, and may be called upon to 
prohibit the growth of a similar evil from Europe. It is obviously unfair to 
permit capitalists to make contracts for cheap labor in foreign countries to the 
hurt and disparagement of the labor of American citizens. Such a policy (like 
that which would leave the time and other conditions of home labor exclusively 
in the control of the employer) is injurious to all parties — not the least so to the 
unhappy persons who are made the subjects of the contract. The institutions 
of the United States rest upon the intelligence and virtue of all the people. 
Suffrage is made universal as a just weapon of self-protection to every citizen. 
It is not the interest of the Republic that any economic system should be adopted 
which involves the reduction of wages to the hard standard prevailing else- 
where. The Republican party aims to elevate and dignify labor — not to de- 
grade it. 

As a substitute for the industrial system which, under Republican Adminis- 
trations, has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our opponents offer a 



, 



190 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

policy which is but a series of experiments upon our system of revenue — a 
policy whose end must be harm to our manufactures and greater harm to our 
labor. Experiment in the industrial and financial system is the country's great- 
est dread, as stability is its greatest boon. Even the uncertainty resulting from 
the recent tariff agitation in Congress has hurtfully affected the business of the 
entire country. Who can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to 
our farms and our commerce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agitation is 
to be inflicted upon the country? We are in the midst of an abundant harvest; 
we are on the eve of a revival of general prosperity. Nothing stands in our 
way but the dread of a change in the industrial system which has wrought such 
wonders in the last twenty years, and which, with the power of increased 
capital, will work still greater marvels of prosperity in the twenty years to 
come. 

Our foreign relations favor our domestic development. We are at peace with 
the world — at peace upon a sound basis, with no unsettled questions of sufficient 
magnitude to embarrass or distract us. Happily removed by our geographical 
position from participation or interest in those questions of dynasty or boundary 
which so frequently disturb the peace of Europe, we are left to cultivate friendly 
relations with all, and are free from possible entanglements in the quarrels of 
any. The United States has no cause and no desire to engage in conflict with 
any Power on earth, and we may rest in assured confidence that no Power 
desires to attack the United States. 

With the nations of the Western Hemisphere we should cultivate closer 
relations, and for our common prosperity and advancement we should invite 
them all to join with us in an agreement, that, for the future, all international 
troubles in North or South America shall be adjusted by impartial arbitration, 
and not by arms. This project was part of the fixed policy of President Garfield's 
administration, and it should, in my judgment, be renewed. Its accomplish- 
ment on this continent would favorably affect the nations beyond the sea, and 
thus powerfully contribute at no distant day to the universal acceptance of the 
philanthropic and Christian principle of arbitration. The effect even of sug- 
gesting it for the Spanish-American States has been most happy, and lias in- 
creased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposition. It fell to 
my lot as Secretary of State, in June, 1881, to quiet apprehension in the Re- 
public of Mexico by giving the assurance, in an official dispatch, that ' ' there 
is not the faintest desire in the United States for territorial extension south of 
the Rio Grande. The boundaries of the two Republics have been established 
in conformity with the best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of de- 
markation is not merely conventional. It is more. It separates a Spanish- 
American people from a Saxon- American people. It divides one great Nation 
from another with distinct and natural finality." 

We seek the conquests of peace. We desire to extend our commerce, and 
in an especial degree with our friends and neighbors on this continent. We 
have not improved our relations with Spanish America as wisely and as per- 
sistently as we might have done. For more than a generation the sympathy 
of those countries has been allowed to drift away from us. We should now 
make every effort to gain their friendship. Our trade with them is already 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 191 

large. During the last year our exchanges in the Western Hemisphere amounted 
to $350,000,000 — nearly one-fourth of our entire foreign commerce. To those 
who may be disposed to underrate the value of our trade with the countries of 
North and South America it may be well to state that their population is nearly 
or quite 50,000,000, and that, in proportion to aggregate numbers, we import, 
nearly double as much from them as we do from Europe. But the result of 
the whole American trade is in a high degree unsatisfactory. The imports 
during the past year exceeded $225,000,000, while the exports were less than 
$125,000,000— showing a balance against us of more than $100,000,000. But 
the money does not go to Spanish America. We send large sums to Europe in 
coin or its equivalent to pay European manufacturers for the goods which 
they send to Spanish America. We are but paymasters for this enormous 
amount annually to European factors — an amount which is a serious draft, in 
every financial depression, upon our resources of specie. 

Can not this condition of trade in great part be changed? Can not the market 
for our products be greatly enlarged ? We have made a beginning in our effort 
to improve our trade relations with Mexico, and we should not be content until 
similar and mutually advantageous arrangements have been successively made 
with every nation of North and South America. While the great Powers of 
Europe are steadily enlarging their colonial domination in Asia and Africa, it 
is the especial province of this country to improve and expand its trade with 
the nations of America. No field promises so much. No field has been culti- 
vated so little. Our foreign policy should be an American policy in its broadest 
and most comprehensive sense — a policy of peace, of friendship, of commercial 
enlargement. 

The name of American, which belongs to us in our National capacity, must 
always exalt the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of the Republic must be 
the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it. The American citizen, rich or 
poor, native or naturalized, white or colored, must everywhere walk secure in 
his personal and civil rights. The Republic should never accept a lesser duty, 
it can never assume a nobler one, than the protection of the humblest man who 
owes it loyalty — protection at home, and protection which shall follow him 
abroad into whatever land he may go upon a lawful errand, 

I recognize, not without regret, the necessity for speaking of two sections of 
our common country. But the regret diminishes when I see that the elements 
which separated them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have yielded and are 
yielding, while a growing cordiality warms the Southern and the Northern heart 
alike. Can any one doubt that between the sections confidence and esteem are 
to-day more marked than at any period in the sixty years preceding the election 
of President Lincoln? This is the result in part of time and in part of Republican 
principles applied under the favorable conditions of uniformity. It would be a 
great calamity to change these influences under which Southern Commonwealths 
are learning to vindicate civil rights, and adapting themselves to the conditions 
of political tranquillity and industrial progress. If there be occasional and vio- 
lent outbreaks in the South against this peaceful progress, the public opinion of 
the country regards them as exceptional, and hopefully trusts that each will 
prove the last. 



192 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The South needs capital and occupation, not controversy. As much as any 
part of the North the South needs the full protection of the revenue laws which 
the Republican party offers. Some of the Southern States have already entered 
upon a career of industrial development and prosperity. These at least should 
not lend their electoral votes to destroy their own future. 

Any effort to unite the Southern States upon issues that grow out of the 
memories of the war will summon the Northern States to combine in the asser- 
tion of that Nationality which was their inspiration in the civil struggle. And 
thus great energies which should be united in a common industrial develop- 
ment will be wasted in hurtful strife. The Democratic party shows itself a foe 
to Southern prosperity by always invoking and urging Southern political con- 
solidation. Such a policy quenches the rising instinct of patriotism in the heart 
of the Southern youth; it revives and stimulates prejudice; it substitutes the 
spirit of barbaric vengeance for the love of peace, progress and harmony. 

The general character of the Civil Service of the United States under all 
administrations has been honorable. In the one supreme test — the collection 
and disbursement of revenue — the record of fidelity has never been surpassed 
in any Nation. With the almost fabulous sums which were received and paid 
during the late war, scrupulous integrity was the prevailing rule. Indeed, 
throughout that trying period it can be said, to the honor of the American 
name, that unfaithfulness and dishonesty among civil officers were as rare as 
misconduct and cowardice on the field of battle. 

The growth of the country has continually and necessarily enlarged the 
Civil Service, until now it includes a vast body of officers. Rules and methods 
of appointment which prevailed when the number was smaller, have been found 
insufficient and impracticable, and earnest efforts have been made to separate 
the great mass of ministerial officers from partisan influence and personal con- 
trol. Impartiality in the mode of appointment to be based on qualification, 
and security of tenure to be based on faithful discharge of duty, are the two 
ends to be accomplished. The public business will be aided by separating the 
legislative branch of the government from all control of appointments, and the 
Executive Department will be relieved by subjecting appointments to fixed 
rules, and thus removing them from the caprice of favoritism. But there 
should be rigid observance of the law which gives, in all cases of equal compe- 
tency, the preference to the soldiers who risked their lives in defense of the 
Union. 

I entered Congress in 1863, and in a somewhat prolonged service I never 
found it expedient to request or recommend the removal of a civil officer, 
except in four instances, and then for non-political reasons which were instantly 
conclusive with the appointing power. The officers in the district, appointed 
by Mr. Lincoln in 1861 upon the recommendation of my predecessor, served, as 
a rule, until death or resignation. I adopted at the beginning of my service 
the test of competitive examination for appointments to West Point, and main- 
tained it so long as I had the right by law to nominate a cadet. In the case of 
many officers I found that the present law, which arbitrarily limits the term of 
the commission, offered a constant temptation to changes for mere political 
reasons. I have publicly expressed the belief that the essential modification of 
that law would be in many respects advantageous. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 193 

My observation in the Department of State confirmed the conclusion of my 
legislative experience, and impressed me with the conviction that the rule of 
impartial appointment might with advantage he carried beyond any existing 
provision of the civil service law. It should be applied to appointments in the 
consular service. Consuls should be commercial sentinels— encircling the 
globe with watchfulness for their country's interests. Their intelligence and 
competency become, therefore, matters of great public concern. No man 
should be appointed to an American consulate who is not well instructed in the 
history and resources of his own country, and in the requirements and language 
of commerce in the country to which he is sent. The same rule should be 
applied even more rigidly to secretaries of legation in our diplomatic service. 
The people have the right to the most efficient agents in the discharge of public 
business, and the appointing power should regard this as the prior and ulterior 
consideration. 

Religious liberty is the right of every citizen of the Republic. Congress is 
forbidden by the Constitution to make any law " respecting the establishment of 
religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." For a century, under this 
guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, Jew and Gentile, have worshiped God ac- 
cording to the dictates of conscience. But religious liberty must not be per- 
verted to the justification of offenses against the law. A religious sect, strongly 
intrenched in one of the Territories of the Union, and spreading rapidly into 
four other Territories, claims the right to destroy the great safeguard and 
muniment of social order, and to practice as a religious privilege that which is 
a crime punished with severe penalty in every State of the Union. The sacred- 
ness and unity of the family must be preserved as the foundation of all civil 
government, as the source of orderly administration, as the surest guarantee of 
moral purity. 

The claim of the Mormons that they are divinely authorized to practice 
polygamy should no more be admitted than the claim of certain heathen tribes, 
if they should come among us, to continue the right of human sacrifice. The 
law does not interfere with what a man believes; it takes cognizance only of 
what he does. As citizens, the Mormons are entitled to the same civil rights as 
others, and to these they must be confined. Polygamy can never receive Na- 
tional sanction or toleration by admitting the community that upholds it as a 
State in the Union. Like others, the Mormons must learn that the liberty of 
the individual ceases where the rights of society begin. 

The people of the United States, though often urged and tempted, have 
never seriously contemplated the recognition of any other money than gold and 
silver — and currency directly convertible into them. They have not done so, 
they will not do so, under any necessity less pressing than that of desperate war. 
The one special requisite for the completion of our monetary system is the fixing 
of the relative values of silver and gold. The large use of silver as the money of 
account among Asiatic nations, taken in connection with the increasing com- 
merce of the world, gives the weightiest reasons for an international agreement 
in the premises. Our Government should not cease to urge this measure until 
a common standard of value shall be reached and established — a standard that 
shall enable the United States to use the silver from its mines as an auxiliary to 
gold in settling the balances of commercial exchange. 
13 



194 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The strength of the Republic is increased by the multiplication of land- 
holders. Our laws should look to the judicious encouragement of actual set- 
tlers on the public domain, which should henceforth be held as a sacred trust 
for the benefit of those seeking homes. The tendency to consolidate large 
tracts of land in the ownership of individuals or corporations should, with 
proper regard to vested rights, be discouraged. One hundred thousand acres 
of land in the hands of one man is far less profitable to the Nation in every 
way than when its ownership is divided among one thousand men. The evil 
of permitting large tracts of the National domain to be consolidated and con- 
trolled by the few against the many, is enhanced when the persons controlling 
it are aliens. It is but fair that the public land should be disposed of only to 
actual settlers, and to those who are citizens of the Republic, or willing to 
become so. 

Among our National interests, one languishes — the foreign carrying trade. 
It was very seriously crippled in our Civil War, and another blow was given to 
it in the general substitution of steam for sail in ocean traffic. With a frontage 
on the two great oceans, with a freightage larger than that of any other nation, 
we have every inducement to restore our navigation. Yet the Government has 
hitherto refused its help. A small share of the encouragement given by the 
Government to railways and to manufactures, and a small share of the capital 
and the zeal given by our citizens to those enterprises, would have carried our 
ships to every sea and to every port. A law just enacted removes some of the 
burdens upon our navigation, and inspires hope that this great interest may at 
last receive its due share of attention. All efforts in this direction should 
receive encouragement. 

This survey of our condition as a Nation reminds us that material prosper- 
ity is but a mockery if it does not tend to preserve the liberty of the people. 
A free ballot is the safeguard of republican institutions, without which no 
national welfare is assured. A popular election, honestly conducted, embodies 
the very majesty of true government. Ten millions Of voters desire to take 
part in the pending contest. The safety of the Republic rests upon the integ- 
rity of the ballot, upon the security of suffrage to the citizen. To deposit a 
fraudulent vote is no worse a crime against constitutional liberty than to 
obstruct the deposit of an honest vote. He who corrupts suffrage strikes at 
the very root of free government. He is the arch-enemy of the Republic. He 
forgets that in trampling upon the rights of others he fatally imperils his own 
rights. " It is a good land which the Lord our God doth give us," but we can 
maintain our heritage only by guarding with vigilance the source of popular 
power. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

JAMES G. BLAINE. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 195 



GEN". LOGAN'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Washington, D. C, July 21, 1884. 

Dear Sir: Having received from you the 24th of June official notification 
Of my nomination by the National Republican Convention as the Repub- 
lican candidate for Vice-President of the United States, and considering 
it to be the duty of every man devoting himself to the public service to 
assume any position to which he may be called by the voice of his country- 
men, I accept the nomination with a grateful heart and a deep sense of its 
responsibilities; and if elected shall endeavor to discharge the duties of the 
office to the best of my ability. This honor, as is well understood, was wholly 
unsought by me. That it was tendered by the representatives of the party in a 
manner so flattering will serve to lighten whatever labors I may be called upon 
to perform. Although the variety of subjects covered in the very excellent and 
vigorous declaration of principles adopted by the late Convention prohibits, 
upon an occasion calling for brevity of expression, that full elaboration of which 
they are susceptible, I avail myself of party usage to signify my approval of 
the various resolutions of the platform and to discuss them briefly. 

The resolutions of the platform declaring for the levy of such duties "as to 
afford security to our diversified industries, and protection to the rights and 
wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as 
capital, may have its just award, and the laboring man his full share in the 
National prosperity," meet my hearty approval. If there be a nation on the 
face of the earth which might, if it were a desirable thing, build a wall upon its 
every boundary line, deny communion to all the world, and proceed to live upon 
its own resources and productions, that nation is the United States. There is 
hardly a legitimate necessity of civilized communities which can not be repro- 
duced from the extraordinary resources of our several States and Territories, 
with their manufactories, mines, farms, timber lands and waterways. This 
circumstance, taken in connection with the fact that our form of government 
is entirely unique among the nations of the world, makes it utterly absurd to 
institute comparisons between our own economic system and those of other 
governments, and especially to attempt to borrow systems from them. We 
stand alone in our circumstances, our forces, our possibilities, and our aspira- 
tions. In all successful governments it is a prime requisite that capital and 
labor should be upon the best terms, and that both should enjoy the highest 
attainable prosperity. If there be a disturbance of the just balance between 
them, one or the other suffers, and dissatisfaction follows, which is harmful to 
both. 

The lessons furnished by the comparatively short history of our own 
National life have been too much overlooked by our people. The fundamental 
article in the old Democratic creed proclaimed almost absolute free trade, and 
this, too, no more than a quarter of a century ago. The low condition of our 
National credit, the financial and business uncertainties, and general lack of 
prosperity under that system, can be remembered by every man now in middle 
life. Although in the great number of reforms instituted by the Republican 



196 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

party, sufficient credit has not been publicly awarded to that of tariff reform, its 
benefits have nevertheless been felt throughout the land . The principle underly- 
ing this measure has been in process of gradual development by the Republican 
party during the comparatively brief period of its power, and to-day a portion 
of its antiquated Democratic opponents make an unwilling concession to the 
correctness of the principle of an equitably adjusted protective tariff by follow- 
ing slowly in its footsteps, though a very long way in the rear. The principle 
involved is one of no great obscurity, and can be readily comprehended by any 
intelligent person calmly reflecting upon it. The political and social systems 
of some of our trade-competing nations have created working classes miserable 
in the extreme. They receive the merest stipend for their daily toil, and by 
the great expense of the necessaries of life are deprived of those comforts of 
clothing, housing, and health-producing food, which, with wholesome mental 
and social recreation, can alone make existence happy and desirable. Now, if 
the products of those countries are to be placed in our markets alongside of 
American products, either the American capitalist must suffer in his legitimate 
profits, or he must make the American laborer suffer, in an attempt to compete 
with the species of labor above referred to. In case of a substantial reduction 
in pay, there can be no compensating advantages for the American laborer, 
because the articles of daily consumption which he uses, with the exception of 
articles not produced in the United States and specially provided for, such as 
coffee and tea, are grown in our own country, and would not be affected in price 
by the lowering of duties. Therefore, while he would receive less for his labor, 
his cost of living would not be decreased . Being practically placed upon the 
pay of a European laborer, our own would be deprived of facilities for educat- 
ing and sustaining his family respectably; he would be shorn of proper oppor 
tunities of self-improvement, and his value as a citizen charged with a portion 
of the obligations of the government would be lessened. The moral tone of 
the laboring class would suffer, and, in turn, the interests of capital and the 
well-being of orderly citizens in general would be menaced, while one evil 
would react upon another until there would be a general disturbance of the 
whole community. The true problem of good and stable government is how to 
infuse prosperity among all classes of people, the manufacturer, farmer, 
mechanic and laborer alike. Such prosperity is a preventive of crime, a secur- 
ity to capital, and the very best guaranty of peace and happiness. The obvious 
policy of our government is to protect both capital and labor by the proper 
imposition of duties. This protection should extend to every article of Ameri- 
can production which goes to build up the general prosperity of our people. 
The National Convention, in view of special dangers menacing the wool inter 
ests of the United States, deemed it wise to adopt separate resolutions on the 
subject of its proper protection. This industry is a very large and important 
one. The necessary legislation to sustain this industry upon a prosperous 
basis should be extended. No one realizes more fully than myself the great 
delicacy and difficulty of adjusting the tariff so nicely and equitably as to 
protect every home industry, sustain every class of American labor, promote 
to the highest point our great agricultural interests, and at the same time to 
give to one and all the advantages pertaining to foreign productions not in com- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 197 

petition with our own, thus not only building up our foreign commerce, but 
taking measures to carry it in our own bottoms. Difficult as this work appears 
and really is, it is susceptible of accomplishment by patient and intelligent 
labor, and to no hands can it be committed with as great assurance of success" 
as to those of the Republican party. 

The Republican party is the indisputable author of a financial and monetary 
system, which, it is safe to say, has never before been equaled by that of any 
other nation. Under the operation of our system of finance, the country was 
safely carried through an extended and expensive war, with a National credit 
which has risen higher and higher with each succeeding year, until no;v the 
credit of the United States is surpassed by that of no other nation, while its 
securities, at a constantly increasing premium, are eagerly sought after by 
investors in all parts of the world. Our system of currency is most admirable 
in construction. While all the conveniences of bill circulation attach to it, 
every dollar of paper represents a dollar of the world's money standard, and as 
long as the just and wise policy of the Republican party is continued, there can 
be no impairment of the National credit. Therefore, under the present laws 
relating thereto, it will be impossible for any man to lose a penny in bonds or 
bills of the United States or in bills of the National banks. The advantage of 
having a bank note in the house which will be as good in the morning as it was 
the night before should be appreciated by all. The convertibility of the cur- 
rency should be maintained intact, and the establishment of an international 
standard among all commercial nations, fixing the relative values of gold and 
silver coinage, would be a measure of peculiar advantage. 

The subjects embraced in the resolutions, respectively, looking to the pro- 
motion of our inter- State and foreign commerce, and to the matter of our for- 
eign relations, are fraught with great importance to our people. In respect to 
inter-State commerce, there is much to be desired in the way of equitable rates 
and the facilities of transportation, that commerce may flow freely to the 
States themselves, to the diversity of industries and employments to be pro- 
moted in all sections of our country; and that the great granaries and manu- 
facturing establishments of the interior may be enabled to send their products 
to the seaboard for shipment to foreign countries, relieved of vexatious 
restrictions and discriminations, in relation to which it may emphatically be 
said, " Time is money," and also of unjust charges upon articles destined to 
meet close competition from the products of other parts of the world. 

As to our foreign commerce, the enormous growth of our industries and our 
surprising production of cereals and other necessities of life imperatively 
require that immediate and effective means shall be taken, through peaceful, 
orderly, and conservative methods, to open markets which have been and are 
now monopolized largely by other nations. This more particularly relates to 
our sister Republics, Spanish America, as also to our friends, the people of the 
Brazilian Empire. The republics of Spanish America are allied to us by the 
very closest and warmest feelings, based upon a similarity of institutions and 
government, common aspirations and mutual hopes. The " Great Republic," 
as they proudly term the United States, is looked upon by their people with 
affectionate admiration and as a model for them to build upon, and we should 



198 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

cultivate between thern and ourselves closer commercial relations, which will 
bind all together by ties of friendly intercourse and mutual advantage. Further 
than this, being small commonwealths in the military and naval sense of Euro- 
pean Powers, they look to us as at least a moral defender against a system of 
territorial and other encroachments which, aggressive in the past, has not been 
abandoned at this day. Diplomacy and intrigue have done much more to wrest 
the commerce of Spanish America from the United States than has legitimate 
commercial competition. Politically, we should be bound to the republics of 
our continent by the closest ties, and communication by ships and railroads 
should be encouraged to the fullest possible extent consistent with a wise and 
conservative public policy. Above all, we should be upon such terms of friend- 
ship as to preclude the possibility of national misunderstandings between our- 
selves and any member of the American republican family. The best method 
to promote uninterrupted peace between one and all would be in a meeting of 
a general conference or congress, whereby an agreement to submit all interna- 
tional differences to the peaceful decision of friendly arbitration might be 
reached. An agreement of this kind would give to our sister republics confi- 
dence in each other and in us, closer communication would at once ensue, and 
reciprocally advantageous commercial treaties might be made whereby much 
of the commerce which now floats across the Atlantic would seek its legitimate 
channels and inure to the greater prosperity of all American commonwealths. 
The full advantages of a policy of this nature could not be stated in a brief dis- 
cussion like the present. 

The United States has grown to be a government representing more than 
50,000,000 people, and in every sense, excepting that of mere naval power, is 
one of the first nations of the world. As such its citizenship should be valua- 
ble, entitling its possessor to protection in every quarter of the globe. I do 
not consider it necessary that our government should construct enormous fleets 
of improved ironclads, and maintain a commensurate body of seamen, in order 
to place ourselves on a war footing with the military and naval Powers of 
Europe. Such a course would not be compatible with the peaceful policy of 
our country, though it seems absurd that we have not effective means to repel 
the wanton invasion of our coast and give protection to our coast towns and 
cities against any power. The great moral force of our country is so univer- 
sally recognized as to render an appeal to arms by us, either in protection of 
our citizens abroad or in recognition of any just international right, quite im- 
probable. What we most need in this direction is a firm and vigorous assertion 
of every right and privilege belonging to our government or its citizens, as well as 
an equally firm assertion of the rights and privileges belonging to the general 
family of American republics situated upon this continent, when opposed, if 
ever they should be, by different systems of government upon another conti- 
nent, An appeal to right by such a government as ours could not be disre- 
garded by any civilized nation. In the treaty of Washington we led the 
world to a means of escape from the horrors of war, and it is to be hoped 
that an era when all international differences shall be decided by peaceful 
arbitration is not far off. 

The central idea of the republican form of government is the rule of the 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 199 

whole people, as opposed to other forms which rest upon the privileged class. 
Our forefathers, in the attempt to erect a new government which might repre- 
sent the advanced thought of the world at that period upon the subject of gov- 
ernmental reform, adopted the idea of the people's sovereignty, and thus laid 
the basis of our present Republic. While technically a government of the 
people, it was in strictness only the government of a portion of the people, 
excluding from all participation a certain other portion, held in a condition of 
absolute, despotic and hopeless servitude, the parallel to which, fortunately, 
does not now exist in any modern Christian nation. With the culmination, 
however, of another cycle of advanced thought, the American Republic sud- 
denly assumed the full character of the government of the whole people, and 
4,000,000 human creatures emerged from the condition of bondmen to the full 
status of freemen, theoretically invested with the same civil and political rights 
possessed by their former masters. The subsequent legislation, which guaran- 
teed by every legal title the citizenship and full equality before the law in all 
respects of this previously disfranchised people, amply covers the requirements, 
and secures to them, so far as legislation can, the privileges of American citi- 
zenship. But a disagreeable fact of the case is, that while, theoretically, we 
are in the enjoyment of a government of the whole people, practically we are 
almost as far from it as we were in the ante-bellum days of the Republic. 
There are but a few leading and indisputable facts which cover the whole state- 
ment of the case. In many Southern States the colored population is in large 
excess of the white. The colored people are Republicans, as are also a consid- 
erable portion of the white people. The remaining portion of the latter are 
Democrats. In the face of this incontestable truth, these States invariably 
return Democratic majorities. In other States of the South, the colored peo- 
ple, although not a majority, form a very considerable body of the population, 
and, with the white Republicans, are numerically in excess of the Democrats; 
yet precisely the same political result obtains, the Democratic party invariably 
carrying the elections. It is not even thought advisable to allow an occasional 
or unimportant election to be carried by the Republicans asa" blind," or as a 
stroke of finesse. Careful and impartial investigation has shown these results 
to follow the systematic exercise of physical intimidation and violence, con- 
joined with the most shameful devices ever practiced in the name of free elec- 
tions. So confirmed has this result become, that we are brought face to face 
with the extraordinary political fact that the Democratic party of the South 
relies almost entirely upon the methods stated for success in the National 
elections. 

This unlawful perversion of the popular franchise, which I desire to state 
dispassionately and in a manner comporting with the proper dignity of the 
occasion, is one of deep gravity to the American people, in a double sense : 

First. It is in violation — open, direct and flagrant — of the primary prin- 
ciple upon which our government is supposed to rest, viz. : That the control of 
the government is participated in by all legally qualified citizens, in accordance 
with the plan of popular government, that majorities must rule in the decis- 
ion of all questions. 

Second. It is in violation of the rights and interests of the States wherein 



200 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

are particularly centred the great wealth and industries of the Nation, and 
which pay an overwhelming portion of the National taxes. The immense 
aggregation of interests embraced within, and the enormously greater popula- 
tion of, these other States of the Union, are subjected every four years to dan- 
gers of a wholly fraudulent show of numerical strength. Under this system 
the minorities actually attempt to direct the course of National affairs, and, up 
to this time, success has not attended their efforts to elect a President, yet 
success has been so perilously imminent as to encourage a repetition of the effort 
at each quadrennial election, and the subject interests an overwhelming major- 
ity of our people North and South. 

The stereotyped argument in refutation of these plain truths is, that if the 
Republican element was really in the majority they could not be deprived of 
their rights and privileges by the minority; but neither statistics of population 
nor the unavoidable logic of the situation can be overridden. The colored 
people of the South have recently emerged from the bondage of their present 
political oppressors; they have had but few advantages of education which might 
enable them to compete with the whites. As I have heretofore maintained, 
in order to achieve the ideal perfection of popular government, it is absolutely 
necessary that the masses should be educated. This proposition applies itself 
with full force to the colored people of the South. They must have better edu- 
cational advantages, and thus be enabled to become the intellectual peers of their 
white brethren, as many of them undoubtedly already are. A liberal school 
system should be provided for the rising generation of the South, and the col- 
ored people be made as capable of exercising the duties of electors as the white 
people. In the meantime it is the duty of the National Government to go be- 
yond the resolutions and declarations on the subject, and to take such action 
as may lie in its power to secure the absolute freedom of National elections 
everywhere, to the end that our Congress may cease to contain members repre- 
senting fictitious majorities of their people, thus misdirecting the popular will 
concerning the National legislation, and especially to the end that in Presiden- 
tial contests the great business and other interests of the country may not be 
placed in fear and trembling lest an unscrupulous minority should succeed in 
stifling the wishes of the majority. In accordance with the spirit of the last 
resolution of the Chicago platform, measures should be taken at once to 
remedy this great evil. 

Under our liberal institutions the subjects and citizens of every nation have 
been welcomed to a home in our midst, and, in compliance with our laws, to 
cooperation with our government. "While it is the policy of the Republican 
party to encourage the oppressed of other nations, and offer them facilities for 
becoming useful and intelligent citizens, in the legal definition of the term, the 
party has never contemplated the admission of a class of servile people who are 
not only unable to comprehend our institutions, but indisposed to become a part 
of our National family, or embrace any higher civilization than their own. To 
admit such immigrants would be only to throw a retarding element into the 
very path of our progress. Our legislation should be amply protective against 
this danger, and if not sufficiently so now should be made so to the full extent 
allowed by our treaties with friendly Powers. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 201 

The subject of civil service administration is a problem that has occupied 
the earnest thought of statesmen for a number of years past, and the record 
will show that toward its solution many results of a valuable and comprehen- 
sive character have been attained by the Republican party since its accession 
to power. In the partisan warfare made upon the latter with a view of weak- 
ening it in the public confidence, a great' deal has been alleged in connection 
with the abuse of the civil service, the party making the indiscriminate charges 
seeming to have entirely forgotten that it was under the full sway of the Demo- 
cratic organization that the motto, "To the victors belong the spoils," became 
a cardinal article in the Democratic creed. With a determination to elevate 
our governmental administration to a standard of justice, excellence and public 
morality, the Republican party has sedulously endeavored to lay the founda- 
tion of a system which shall reach the highest perfection under the plastic hand 
of time and accumulating experience. The problem is one of far greater intri- 
cacy than appears upon its superficial consideration, and embraces sub-questions 
of how to avoid abuses possible to the lodgment of an immense number of 
appointments in the hands of the Executive; of how to give encouragement to 
and provoke emulation in various government employes, in order that they may 
strive for proficiency and rest their hopes of advancement upon the attributes 
of official merit, good conduct, and exemplary honesty; and how best to avoid 
the evils of creating a privileged class in the government service, who, in imi- 
tation of European prototypes, may gradually lose all proficiency and value, in 
the belief that they possess a life calling, only to be taken away in case of some 
flagrant abuse. 

The thinking, earnest men of the Republican party have made no wordy 
demonstration upon this, but they have endeavored quietly to perform that 
which their opponents are constantly promising without performing. Under 
Republican rule the result has been, that, without engrafting any of the objec- 
tionable features of European systems upon our own, there has been a steady 
and even rapid elevation of the civil service in all its departments, until it can 
now be stated, without fear of successful contradiction, that the service is more 
just, more efficient, and purer in all its features, than ever before since the 
establishment of our government; and if defects still exist in our system, the 
country can safely rely upon the Republican party as the most efficient instru- 
ment for their removal. I am in favor of the highest standard of excellence in 
the administration of civil service, and will lend my best efforts to accomplish 
the point of greatest attainable perfection in this branch of our service. 

The Republican party came into existence in a crusade against the Demo- 
cratic institutions of slavery and polygamy. The first has been buried beneath 
the embers of civil war. The party should continue its efforts until the remain- 
ing iniquity shall disappear from our civilization under the force of faithfully 
executed laws. 

There are subjects of importance which I would gladly touch upon 
did space permit. I limit myself to saying, that, while there should be the 
most rigid economy in governmental administration, there should be no self- 
defeating parsimony either in our domestic or foreign service, Official dishon- 
esty should be promptly and relentlessly punished. Our obligations to the 



202 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS. 

defenders of our country should never be forgotten, and a liberal system of 
pensions provided by the Republican party should not be imperiled by adverse 
legislation. The law establishing a Labor Bureau, through which the interests 
of labor can be placed in an organized condition, I regard as a salmary measure. 
The eight-hour law should be enforced as rigidly as any other. We should 
increase our navy to a degree enabling us to amply protect our coast lines, our 
commerce, and to give us a force in foreign waters which shall be a respectable 
and proper representative of a country like our own. 

The public lands belong to the people, and should not be alienated from 
them, but reserved for free homes for all desiring to possess them ; and, 
finally, our present Indian policy should be continued and improved upon as 
our experience in its administration shall from lime to time suggest. 

I have the honor to subscribe myself, sir, your obedient servant, 

JOHN A. LOGAN. 
To the Hon. John B Henderson, Chairman of the committee. 



INDEX. 



Alabama. page 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 17 

Contests as to delegates in 50 

Report on credentials of delegates. . . 50 

Delegates and alternates from 51 

Roll call for President 138 

First ballot 141 

Second ballot 146 

Third ballot 149 

Fourth ballot 162 

Andrews, A. H. & Co. 

Presentation of gavel by 44 

Appointments. 

Territorial officers 44 

Arizona. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Delegates and alternates from 67 

Roll call for President, first ballot. . . . 142 

Arkansas. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.. 15, 17 

Delegates and alternates from 51 

Roll call for President, first ballot. . . 138 

Arthur, Chester A. 

Nomination of. for President 110 

Nomination seconded by — 

H. H. Bingham 114 

JohnR. Lyncli 117 

P. H. Winston. Jr 118 

P. B. S. Pinchback 119 

First ballot for 141 

Second ballot for 146 

Third ballot for 149 

Fourth ballot for 162 

Congratulations to Blaine 164 

Ballard, Henry. 

Submits report on credentials 49 

Remarks on report 49 

Ballot for President. 

First 141 

Second 146 

Third 149 

Fourth 162 

Ballot for recess 155 

Ballot for Vice-President 177 

Barrows. Rev. John H. 

Prayer by 34 

Bayne, Thomas M. 

Remarks on apportionment of dele- 
gates 28 

Remarks on rules 72 

Benjamin. Mason W. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 
Chairman 13 

Bingham, H. H. 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Arthur 114 

Bishop, Robert R. 

Submits minority report from Com- 
mittee on Rules and Order of Busi- 
ness 84 

Remarks on report of committee 85 

Speech on representation 90 



Blaine, James G. page 

Nominated for President by W. H. 

West 104 

Nomination seconded by — 

C. K. Davis 106 

W. C. Goodloe 107 

Thos. C. Piatt 108 

Galusha A. Grow 109 

First ballot for 141 

Second ballot for 146 

Third ballot for 149 

Fourth ballot for 162 

Motion to nominate by acclamation . . 155 
Motion for unanimous nomination of, 163 

Nominated for President 164 

Speech to Notification Committee. 182 

Letter of acceptance 185 

Blair, F. S. 

speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President 175 

Bradley, William O. 

Speech on representation 85 

Seconding nomination of Logan for 

Vice-President 173 

Brandegee, August. 

Speech nominating Gen. Hawley . 97 

Bristol, Rev. F. M. 

Prayer by 3 

Burleigh, Henry G. 

Motion by, to make unanimous the 
nomination of Blaine 163 



California. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 

Delegates and alternates from 

Carr, Clark E. 

Speech on temporary Chairman 

on roll call for Vice-President 

Carson, Hugh A. 

Remarks on amending rules 

Clayton, Powell. 

Nominated for temporary Chairman. 

Remarks on motion to Issue tickets 
to veterans 

Speech on representation 

Colorado. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 

Delegates and alternates nom 

Connecticut. 

Roll call of, for temporary Chairman. 

Delegates and alternates from 

Convention. 

History of 

Local Committee of Arrangements... 

Finance Committee 

Opening of 

Call for 

Conventions. 

Representation in district 

Credentials. 

Committee on 

Partial report from 

Report from 



90 



(203) 



204 



INDEX. 



Cullom, S. M. page 

Correction of a vote 33 

Speech nominating Gen. Logan for 

President 101 

Curtis, George William. 

Speech on temporary Chairman 7 

Remarks during roll call of New 

York 16 

on pledging support to nominee. 38 
on seconding nomination of Ed- 
munds 126 

during vote for Vice-President . . . 177 

Dakota. 

Roll call for temporaiy Chairman 21 

Delegates and alternates from 67 

Dancy, John C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President 172 

Davis, C. K. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Blaine 106 

Davis, George R. 

Remarks on adoption of rules 77 

Dawes, A. C. 

Moves Logan's nomination for Vice- 
President 172 

Delaware. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 17 

Delegates and alternated from 53 

Delegates. 

Motion for committee on revision of 
apportionment of. 24 

List of 51 

District conventions. 

Representation in 40 

District of Columhia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Member of Committee on Credentials. 25 

Delegates and alternates from 67 

Roll call for President, first ballot. . . 140 
Dolph, Joseph N. 

Motion by, to lay resolution on tabic. 39, 80 
Donuan, W. G. 

Presentation of memorial by 31 

Drummond, J. H. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman 8 

Dutcher, S. P. 

Seconds Lynch's nomination for tem- 
porary Chairman 6 

Edmunds, George F. 

Nominated for President 124 

Nomination seconded by George 
William Curtis 126 

Ewing, J. K. 

Resolution offered by 40 

Fallows, Bishop. 

Prayer by 48 

Female suffrage. 

Resolution respecting 45 

Filley, Chauncey 1. 

Speech on representation 89 

Florida. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman .... 18 

Delegates and alternates from 53 

Poll call for President, first ballot 189 

Foraker, J. B. 

Speech on motion for roll call 14 

Motion by, on presentation of gavel . . 44 

Speech nominating Sherman 120 

Motion by, to nominate Blaine by 
acclamation 155 

Foreigners. 

Ownership of realty by 31, 33, 36 



Fort, J. Frank. page 
Reads report on credentials 50 

Gary, Jas. A. 

Presentation of memorial by 35 

Gavel. 

Presentation of 44 

Georgia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. .15, 18 

Contests as to delegates in 50 

Delegates and alternates from 53 

Gilbert, John I. 

Rises to a point of order 32 

Goodloe, Wm. C. , 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Blaine 107 

Green, Wm. G. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 
Chairman 12 

Grow, Galusha A. 

Appointed to conduct permanent 

President to the chair 43 

Motion by, to amend rules 70 

Called to the chair 91 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Blaine 109 

Harrison, Benjamin. 

Notice of his absence 15 

Hart, Alphonso. 

Motion bv, to refer resolution 40 

Hawkins, S. W. 

Offer by, of resolution pledging sup- 

Waort to nominee 36, 37 
ithdraws said resolution 39 

Hawley, Joseph R. 

Nomination of. for President 97 

Henderson, John B. 

Reported for permanent President of 

Convention 41 

Address on taking chair 43 

Member of Notification Committee.. 176 

Voted thanks of Convention 178 

Hoar, George F. 

Remarks during roll call of his 

State 15 

Appointed to conduct permanent 

President to chair 43 

Offers resolution on female suffrage. . 45 

Remarks on civil service law 79 

Holt, William H. 

Speech seconding nomination of Sher- 
man 123 

Horr, Roswell G. 

Remarks favoring call of roll by 

States 9 

Motion by, for adoption of rules 24 

Seconding nomination of Logan for 

Vice-President 171 

Houck, L. C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President 170 

Howe, Church. 

Moves to suspend rules, and nominate 
Logan for Vice-President 172 

Idaho. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 21 

Delegates and alternates from 67 

Roll call for President, first ballot .... 142 

Illinois. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 18 

Contest as to delegates in 50 

Delegates and alternates from 53 

Indiana. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 18 

Delegates and alternates from 54 



INDEX. 



205 



Iowa. PAGE 
Ro]] call for temporary Chairman — 18 
Delegates and alternates from 55 

Jessup, W. H. 

Motion by, to amend resolution 46 

Johnston, Wm. 

Offer by, of resolution relating to 
Department of Agriculture. 44 

Kansas. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 18 

Delegates and alternates from 55 

Roll call for President, first ballot. ... 140 

Kentucky. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 18 

Contests as to delegates in 50, 51 

Delegates and alternates from 55 

Knight, George A. 

Remarks on pledging support to 
nominee 37 

Lampson, E L. 

Speech on representation 86 

Land. 

Ownership of 31, 33, 36 

Leary, John S. 

Remarks on adoption of rules 81 

Lee, Joseph E. 

Remarks on resolution to issue ad- 
mission tickets 46 

Lee, J. W. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President 171 

Lodge, Henry Cabot. 

Nominates Lynch for temporary 

Chairman 6 

Remarks during roll call of Massa- 
chusetts 16 

Logan, Gen. John A. 

Nominated for President by Cul- 

lom 101 

Nomination seconded by Prentiss — 103 

First ballot for 141 

Second ballot for 146 

Third ballot for 149 

Fourth ballot for 162 

Nominated for Vice-President by 

Plumb 168 

Nomination seconded by Houck 170 

Thurston 171 

Lee 171 

Horr 171 

Bradley 173 

Motion to suspend rules and nom- 
inate 172 

Nomination seconded by Lee 174 

Morey 174 

Blair 175 

Nominated by acclamation 176 

also by ballot 177 

Nomination made unanimous 178 

Speech to Notification Committee.. . 184 

Letter of acceptance 195 

Long, John D. 

Speech on representation 89 

nominating Edmunds 124 

Louisiana. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 18 

Delegates and alternates from 56 

Roll call for President, first ballot.. . 140 
Lynch, John R. 

Nominated for temporary Chairman. 6 

Speech as temporary Chairman 22 

on representation 86 

on seconding nomination of 
Arthur 117 



Maine. page 
Roll call for temporary Chairman — 19 
Delegates and alternates from 56 

Manning, Calvin. 

Remarks of, on tickets to veterans. . . 47 

Martin, John A. 

Secretary National Committee 5 

Maryland. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 19 

Contest as to delegates in 50 

Delegates and alternates from 57 

Massachusetts. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. 15,16,19 
Delegates and alternates from 57 

Massey, George V. 

Presentation of resolution by 36 

Remarks of, on tickets to veterans. . . 47 

Matthews, A. C. 

Resolution by, to admit veterans 45 

McClure, David. 

Motion by, to refer memorial 31 

McKinley, William. 

Submits report of Committee on Res- 
olutions 91 

Moves appointment of Notification 
Committee 176 

Michigan. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 19 
Delegates and alternates from 58 

Minnesota. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. . .16, 19 
Delegates and alternates from 58 

Mississippi. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 19 

Delegates and alternates from 58 

Missouri. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 19 

Delegates and alternates from 59 

Montana. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Delegates and alternates from 67 

Morey, Frank. 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Logan for Vice-President 174 

Morrow/ VV. W. 

Speech on temporary Chairman 7 

National Committee. 

Nominations of members of 94 

List of members of, complete 95 

Filling the committee 96 

Completion of committee 137, lfi5 

Filling vacancies in 165 

Vote of thanks to 178 

Nebraska. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 19 

Delegates and alternates from 59 

Nevada. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman ... 19 

Delegates and alternates 1'rom 60 

New Hampshire. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 19 

Delegates and alternates from 60 

New Jersey. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 19 

Delegates and alternates from 60 

New Mexico. 

Roll cull for temporary Chairman 21 

delegates and alternates from .... 67 

New York. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.. 16, 20 

Contests as to delegates in 50 

Delegates and alternates from 60 

Nominee. 

Resolution pledging support to 37 

North Carolina. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 20 

Delegates and alternates from 62 



206 



INDEX. 



Notification Committee. page 

Appointment of 176 

Members of 179 

Notification to Mr. Blaine 180 

to General Logan 183 

O'Hara, J. E. 

Speech on representation 90 

Ohio. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 20 

Delegates and alternates from 62 

Oregon. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 20 
Delegates and alternates from 63 

O'Reilly, Rev. Dr. 

Prayer by 164 

Parks, "William H. 

Submits report on rules and order of 

business 68 

Motion by, for additional rule 72 

Parsons, L. E. 

Remarks on issue of additional tickets 
of admission 47 

Patton, Nathan. 

Motion by, to lay report on table — . 84 

Pennsylvania. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 20 

Contest as to delegates in 51 

Delegates and alternates from 63 

Permanent Organization. 

Committee on 26 

Report of Committee on. 41 

Pierce, E. L. 

Motion for committee on revision of 

apportionment of delegates, etc 24 

Remarks on pledging support to 
nominee 37 

Pinchback, P. B. S. 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Arthur 119 

Platform, The 91 

Piatt, Thos. C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Biaine 108 

Pledger, W. A. 

Remarks on roll call of Georgia 15 

Plumb, P. B. 

Offers resolution on land ownership. . 36 

Seconding Blaine's nomination 164 

Speech nominating General Logan for 
Vice-President 168 

Prayer by- 
Rev. F. M. Bristol 3 

Rev. John H. Barrows 34 

Bishop Fallows 48 

Rev. H. M. Scudder 136 

Rev. Dr. O'Reilly 164 

Prentiss, Ben. M. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman 9 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Gen. Logan 103 

President of United States. 

First ballot for 141 

Second ballot for 146 

Third ballot for 149 

Fourth ballot for 162 

Presidential term of office. 

Resolution respecting 3(5 

Prohibition. 

Memorial on 31 

Reed, David C. 

Motion to adjourn 119 

Resolutions. 

Committee on... 26 



Resolutions. page 

Respecting term of office 36 

land ownership 36 

support of nominee 37 

constitutional prohibition 41 

officers in Territories 44 

Department of Agriculture 44 

female suffrage 45 

admission of veterans 46 

vacancies in National Committee 165 
presenting names for Yice-Presi- 

dent 166 

Report of Committee on 91 

Of thanks to officers of Convention.. 178 

Of thanks to Sergeant-at-aims 179 

Rhode Island. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Delegates and alternates from 64 

Roll Call. 

For temporary Chairman 14 

Recapitulation of, for temporary 

Chairman 22 

First ballot for President 141 

Second ballot for President 146 

Third ballot for President 149 

Fourth ballot for President 162 

First ballot for Vice-President 177 

Rollins, Edward H. 

Resolution offered by 40 

Roosevelt, Theodore. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman 10 

on representation 75 

Roots, Logan H. 

Announcing vote for Chairman 15 

Rules and Order of Business. 

Committee on 27 

Report of Committee on 68 

Minority report of Committee on 84 

Russell, Leslie W. 

Correcting name of 17 

Remarks on organization 23 

Amendment to rules, by 81 

Sabin, D. M. 

Calling Convention to order 3 

Chairman National Committee 5 

Opening address 5 

Speech seconding Blaine's nomina- 
tion 163 

Saunders, Wilbur F. 

Motion to amend rules 74, 79 

Scudder, Rev. Henry Martyn. 

Prayer by 136 

Secretary. 

Permanent, elected 41 

Secretaries. 

Temporary, appointment of 24 

Assistant 42 

Sewell, W. J. 

Motion for appointment of commit- 
tees 23 

Sheats, C. C. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman 14 

Sherman, John. 

Nominated for President 120 

Nomination seconded bv W. H. Holt. 123 

First ballot for 141 

Second ballot for 146 

Third ballot for 149 

Simpson, C. A. 

Seconds Lynch's nomination for tem- 
porary Chairman 6 

South Carolina. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 21 

Delegates and alternates from 64 

Standing Committees 23, 24, 25 



INDEX 



207 



Stebbins, A. H. page 

Resolution by, respecting officers in 

Territories 44 

Stewart, John. 

Speech on nomination of temporary- 
Chairman 9 

Stone, J. Y. 

Speech on representation 88 

Taft W. N. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 
Chairman 11 

Taylor, Abner 

Resolution offered by 166 

Temperance Memorial. 

Presentation of 35 

Preamble and resolution respect- 
ing 40, 41 

Temporary Chairman. 

Nominations for 6 

Speech of 22 

Tennessee. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 21 
Delegates and alternates from 64 

Territorial offices. 

Appointments to 44 

Texas. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Contest as to delegates in 50 

Delegates arid alternates from 65 

Thompson, R. W. 

Remarks during roll call of Indi- 
ana 15 

Thurston, John M. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman 13 

on rules 77 

Seconding nomination of Logan for 
Vice-President 171 

Tickets of admission. 

To veterans 45, 96 

Townsend, Martin I. 

Speech on Representation 88 

Speech nominating Arthur 110 

Utah. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. ... 21 
Delegates and alternates from 67 



Vacancies. page 

Filling of, in National Committee ... 165 

Vermont. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Delegates and alternates from 65 

Vice-President. 

Nomination of Gen. Logan for 168 

Seconding of nomination of Logan 

by Houck 170 

Ballot for 177 

Vice-Presidents. 

List of, of the Convention 41 

Virginia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Contest as to delegates in 51 

Delegates and alternates from 66 

Warner. William. 

Speech on representation 87 

Washington. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman ... 21 
Delegates and alternates from 67 

West Virginia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman 21 

Delegates and alternates from 66 

West, William H. 

Speech on representation 88 

Speech nominating Blaine 104 

Williams, George B. 

Report by, on permanent organization 41 

Motion by, to adopt same 42 

Appointed to conduct permanent 
President to chair 43 

Winkler, F. C. 

Remarks on resolution pledging sup- 
port to nominee 37 

Winston, P. H.. Jr. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman 12 

on rules 77 

on seconding nomination of 
Arthur 118 

Wisconsin. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 21 
Delegates and alternates from 66 

Wyoming. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman — 21 
Delegates and alternates from 67 



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DIAGRAM i)V CONVENTION HALT,, EXPOSITION BUILDING, CHICAGO. 



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